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Robert Pondiscio
5.1.2026
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A few years ago, the “science of reading” was still treated in some quarters as a niche movement—something for literacy specialists, cranky traditionalists, and a handful of obsessives who spent too much time fighting the reading wars on the internet. No longer.

Today, nearly every state has passed some manner of reading law valorizing “SoR.” Districts have adopted new curricula. Teachers are taking LETRS and other training programs in droves. Cueing and balanced literacy, once dominant in elementary school classrooms, have come under overdue scrutiny and in some cases have been banned by law. Even former skeptics now speak the language of structured literacy, decoding, and evidence-based practice. In that sense, the science of reading has won the argument. But a new Fordham Institute report asks the more important question: Has the science of reading won the classroom? The answer, encouragingly, is somewhat. But only somewhat.

The distinction matters. In education, particularly in education policy, we often mistake policy victories for instructional ones. Winning the debate in conference rooms, legislatures, podcasts, and social media is one thing. Changing what happens between 8:15 and 2:45 in tens of thousands of classrooms is another entirely. The Fordham report suggests we are still in the middle innings of the ballgame at best.

The report is based on a survey administered to a nationally representative subset of K–3 public school teachers in the RAND American Teacher Panel (ATP) in the fall of 2025. The survey asked teachers about which curricula and training materials their schools use and questions such as:

  • “Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?”
  • “Which statement do you agree with more? Reading comprehension depends on a set of generalizable skills…[or] Reading comprehension depends on what students already know about the topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text.”
  • “A student in your class is having trouble reading an unfamiliar word during small-group instruction. In your opinion, what should a teacher do first?”

In many ways, the survey shows significant movement in the right direction: Most teachers now favor phonics over cueing. Many report having received recent training aligned to the science of reading. Widely respected programs like UFLI and CKLA are gaining traction. Teachers themselves often describe recent shifts toward phonics and explicit instruction as overdue and beneficial. This is no small thing. Frankly, it would have been unimaginable just a few short years ago. (Thanks, Emily Hanford!)

But the report also finds that only half of teachers describe their approach as fully structured and explicit. One in three still report using a “balanced” approach that includes discredited and deleterious methods such as leveled texts and “cueing.” And nearly one in five say they take an “eclectic” or “immersive” approach not necessarily including phonics. 

The report’s most troubling finding may be what we might think of as a high-poverty paradox: Teachers in disadvantaged schools report more training and materials aligned with the science of reading than teachers in affluent settings, yet demonstrate weaker knowledge and commitment to it. It could be that the teachers in these settings started from a lower baseline and are still getting caught up, not that their training has been low-quality. In any case, as Amber Northern and Mike Petrilli note in their foreword to the report, the gap portends “dire consequences for poor students should it persist.”

If the science of reading has not fully won the classroom, one reason might be it has not yet won ed schools that prepare the people who work in them. The Fordham report contains a devastating finding: Teachers who rely on their preservice training know less about the science of reading than those who learn it on the job. Worse, teachers who report learning about the science of reading in their preservice programs demonstrate lower knowledge of it. Read that sentence again. 

This is not a minor implementation hiccup, it’s an indictment. It suggests that the institutions responsible for preparing teachers may be miseducating them at scale about the most foundational skill they are expected to teach.

This is not a trivial problem, it strikes at the foundation of reform. If teacher preparation programs are sending candidates into classrooms with a weaker grasp of reading science than they acquire later on the job, policymakers cannot treat this as business as usual. State leaders and education agencies must make strengthening preservice training an urgent priority and wield the power they hold over accreditation and licensure to ensure that new teachers enter the classroom ready to teach reading effectively from day one.

Even if we fix teacher preparation, however, the problem does not end there. It is equally important that schools and districts adopt high-quality curricula, like UFLI and CKLA. The Fordham report suggests that teacher knowledge is reinforced—or undermined—by the materials teachers use every day. Teachers using curricula more closely aligned to the science of reading demonstrate stronger understanding of reading science, while those relying on materials associated with balanced literacy tend to show weaker knowledge. Said differently, curriculum is not just a delivery mechanism for instruction; it shapes a teacher’s knowledge about his or her subject. 

Speaking of curriculum, it seems to me that states should go further than simply requiring that teacher candidates “learn about” the science of reading. They should ensure that new teachers have been trained to do the work—planning lessons, delivering instruction, diagnosing errors, and supporting students—using high-quality, science of reading-aligned materials. That means tying accreditation and licensure to demonstrated proficiency in teaching specific curricula—not just familiarity with theory. If teaching is to be doable at scale, teachers should enter the classroom already fluent in the tools they will be expected to use.

Fordham’s report pairs nicely with the lessons of Mississippi, which were the subject of an AEI webinar I recently hosted. Mississippi is often described as a miracle, which implies mystery, luck, or divine intervention and flatters our appetite for dramatic stories while discouraging learning. But what happened in Mississippi was not a miracle, it was a marathon. Rachel Canter, whose recent paper framed it that way, attributed the state’s remarkable turnaround to two decades of policy coherence, implementation support, accountability, stronger standards, coaching, training, and persistence. Kymyona Burk, the state’s former literacy director, described the painstaking behind-the-scenes work: monthly meetings, common messaging, clear expectations, troubleshooting, follow-up, and making sure districts actually participated. Kelly Butler of the Barksdale Reading Institute emphasized something reformers too often ignore: Teacher knowledge had to be built systematically, not assumed.

One detail from the webinar has stayed with me: Mississippi officials would regularly review lists of which districts were sending teachers to literacy training, and if a district wasn’t participating, they picked up the phone and called the superintendent. That may sound mundane, but it’s not. It’s what seriousness and accountability looks like in practice: Someone notices an issue and follows up. Behavior changes and outcomes follow. Contrast this with the way that too often we think about reform: pass a bill, announce an initiative and funding, hold a press conference, and assume the field will absorb it (or worse, assume the capacity already exists to execute), as if a school is a smartphone receiving a software update.

The first phase of reading reform was winning the argument against bad ideas. Mission (mostly) accomplished. The next phase is harder: building systems where good ideas can survive contact with reality and resistance. That means better teacher preparation, curriculum selection, and coaching. It means less initiative churn and more consistency, follow-through and patience.

The science of reading may have won the argument. The classroom is where it still has to earn the victory.

—With Annika Hernandez

Editor’s note: This was first published on the author’s Substack, The Next 30 Years. AEI’s webinar, What can we learn from the ‘Mississippi Marathon” is available on YouTube:

AEI webinar screen grab

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Evidence-Based Learning
Curriculum & Instruction
Teachers & School Leaders
Thibaut Delloue
5.1.2026
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Our schools have a curriculum problem. As states move toward education systems driven by parent choice, our lack of curricular coherence and transparency is increasingly impossible to ignore. For parents to choose, they must know what schools are teaching, yet most schools make this frustratingly difficult for families to discern. As the issue of curricular oversight begins to gain momentum, there is an obvious opportunity for states to empower parents to make better decisions about their children’s education.

Curriculum is a messy topic in American education. Unlike academic standards, which are broad instructional goals set by the state, curriculum is the comprehensive set of content and materials that teachers and students interact with every day in their classrooms. Two curricula could be considered “standards-aligned,” for example, but feature different content knowledge or organize it in different ways. Schools and districts also have broad discretion to cobble together curricula and, even when provided to them, teachers don’t consistently use high-quality instructional materials. Furthermore, traditional teacher preparation programs care little about the content teachers deliver, and existing tools to review curricular quality are weak.

That leaves parents navigating education marketplaces in a difficult position to evaluate what schools actually teach. Major surveys about schooling show that, although parents do not have the same expectations about the purposes of public education, they overwhelmingly agree across ideological lines that core academic subjects—reading, writing, and math—are very important for children to learn in school. EdChoice’s latest Schooling in America public opinion poll, for example, reveals that “academic quality” is the primary reason for parents choosing charter and private schools for their children. As parents across the country increasingly have the choice to drive their children’s education and, in turn, school offerings themselves, it’s crucial that those schools make transparent what they are teaching. The answer to that lies not in high-level state standards or vague school mission statements, but in the curriculum students spend the majority of their day learning.

Unfortunately, curriculum is the most difficult information for parents to find—and understand—when making education choices.

Imagine you have just settled in Hialeah, Florida, a working-class suburb of Miami. As a savvy parent, you are searching for middle school options for your oldest child. You explore Miami-Dade County Public Schools’ website and find considerable resources outlining your choices: online schools, magnet schools, career technical education, “a la carte” services. You find nothing, however, about what students learn inside the district’s classrooms. In Miami-Dade’s yearly “Curriculum Bulletin,” a nearly 60-page document that describes graduation requirements and details about the Florida College System, you also find nothing, ironically, that plainly states what curricula are used in the district’s schools.

On the Florida Department of Education’s official portal, there are ample details about schools’ results on state standardized tests and their students’ demographics. There is very little, however, about what topics, knowledge, and skills these schools teach. You visit local schools’ websites. Your zoned district school boasts about its specialized programs and activities—performance and visual arts, model UN—but not about what your child will learn daily in the classroom. Next, you explore the website of a nearby, top-rated charter school. Under a heading titled “Curriculum” in the “School Profile” page, two short paragraphs only tell you that the school offers a dual enrollment program at nearby colleges and Advanced Placement classes.

These are examples from real schools, and I invite the reader to try this experiment in their own area. 

Karen Vaites, who runs the Curriculum Insight Project, recently proposed that schools be required to report their curriculum to a national database. Curriculum transparency has been proposed by Congress in the past; however, federal intrusion into the workings of public schools, particularly when it’s overtly partisan, is never popular. Instead, states should view curricular transparency from the perspective of parent choice. States can improve parents’ ability to choose by:

  1. Requiring public schools, including charters, and private schools receiving public funding through ESAs to explicitly state on their website all the curricula used at each grade level and for each subject, including additional external assessments, with links to curriculum publishers’ websites.
  2. Requiring schools to include on their website a clear description of the instructional approach used at the school—not a vague mission statement, but a deliberate explanation of how the school’s curriculum amounts to a coherent course of learning for its students.
  3. Featuring schools’ curriculum on the state’s publicly available school report cards or accountability reports.

There are notable examples to follow. Put yourself in the shoes of our Florida parent again, as you have heard from a friend about classical charter schools in the Miami area. Unlike the other schools you have explored, Miami’s classical schools provide a clear vision of what goes on inside their classrooms: they list specific curricula like Core Knowledge, Singapore Math, and Story of the World, and explain how the content in these curricula contributes to distinct stages of learning from first to twelfth grade. It’s no surprise that private and charter classical schools, for whom curriculum is central to their model, are increasingly drawing parents in choice-forward states like Texas and Florida.

It is up to individual states to consider how such policies serve their systems of choice. Parents don’t need to study a curriculum in granular detail, but they deserve to know and understand the curriculum their child is taught every day. Accountability and transparency are necessary hallmarks of education choice, and leaving curriculum—the primary indication of what students are learning—out of that equation is simply indefensible.

Policy Priority:
Quality Choices
Topics:
Curriculum & Instruction
The Education Gadfly
5.1.2026
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WHAT WE’RE READING

Alyson Klein digs into “the funky politics of the tech in schools debate.” Parent opt-out policies are finding champions in both parties, and the GOP is increasingly divided—ranging from the president’s embrace of AI to other members calling for full tech bans. Echoing Meredith Coffey’s recent op-ed on the same topic, and a similar conversation between Rick Hess and Michael Horn, Alyson shares perspectives from experts and educators who aren’t sure “whether legislation is the right way to address the issue.” —Education Week

—

Laurie Stern examines how the emotional or behavioral disorders (EBD) label in special education is highly subjective and has lasting consequences. “Once a student gets this label, it’s hard to shake,” she writes. After identification—as early as first or second grade—the label can follow students all the way through high school, separating them from peers and sometimes creating a direct conflict with special education’s mandate of placing students in the least restrictive environment. Her reporting follows one student navigating the system through his senior year, and his veteran teacher who knows the system is failing too many EBD students. —NPR


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

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  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

The Education Gadfly
5.1.2026
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CHEERS

“Certain charter schools rejected staffers’ demands and kept their focus on academic excellence, continuing to report exceptional results for disadvantaged students, even through the pandemic. They show the charter sector how to rebuild what was lost—and point the way to closing the achievement gap in America’s schools.” —Steven F. Wilson, The Atlantic

—

“Dozens of Oakland school principals, warning of dire conditions in classrooms, urged district leaders this week to stop stalling and do what has to be done: Close schools and pick a permanent superintendent.” —Jill Tucker, The San Francisco Chronicle

JEERS

David Labaree and Deborah Malizia claim the standards-driven reform movement is based on misleading statistics in 1983’s A Nation at Risk, blaming test-based standards for poor teaching, teen stress, and narrowed curriculum. Relitigating a 43-year-old report is not the way to improve schools in 2026, especially now that so few public schools today resemble the “pressure cookers” they describe. —The Hechinger Report

—

Also today on the strawman beat: Chad McLeod explains why it’s unfair to judge schools as businesses. Now if he could only point to a place where that’s actually happening. —The 74

—

In The Atlantic, Marc Novicoff looks into why New York spends more per pupil than any of the nation’s largest 100 public-school districts yet still pays starting teachers less than in places with much lower costs of living. He writes:

All of this spending on small class sizes, small schools, and accommodations for students with special challenges might be worth it if the investment led to a high-performing school district. But New York City’s scores on the National Assessment of Educational Progress are average for a large-city school district. In fourth grade, only a third of students score at or above ‘proficient’ in math, and only 28 percent do so in reading. The numbers for eighth grade are slightly worse. This puts New York City on par with Denver, which spends half as much per pupil, and Clark County, Nevada, which spends one-third as much.


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

Click here to subscribe for:

  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

Elainah Elkins
4.30.2026
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Teacher pay has become a big contender in the education reform space, with growing agreement that paying educators a livable wage is essential to building a strong, stable workforce. At the same time, policymakers continue to grapple with a related challenge: how to retain effective teachers. A new study brings these two strands together, examining how a statewide minimum salary policy shapes teacher retention and offering fresh insight into whether boosting baseline pay can help schools hold on to the talent they need most.

In 2023, Arkansas passed the LEARNS Act, a comprehensive education law that included reforms ranging from Educational Freedom Accounts for private school tuition to literacy requirements. Importantly, it also effected three major teacher salary changes: raising the minimum statewide teacher salary from $36,000 to $50,000, guaranteeing all teachers a minimum raise of $2,000, and allowing school districts to deviate from a traditional seniority-based salary schedule.

To study how school districts adjusted to the new legislation, a group of researchers from the University of Arkansas and Brown University’s Annenberg Institute compared salary data from nearly all Arkansas public school districts before (2022–23) and after (2023–24) implementation, alongside key district characteristics like size, location, and student demographics. They then merged these data with long-term administrative records tracking teachers’ job assignments over time, allowing analysis of how changes in compensation influenced teacher retention and turnover across the state. Unlike other research that examines the impact of teacher salary increases, this study is the first to speak directly to the impact of a large, statewide minimum salary increase.

This approach allowed them to answer the following questions: How have school districts’ teacher compensation policies changed in response to the LEARNS Act? How has the distribution of teacher salaries across districts and regions shifted, and how have the relationships between teacher salaries and district characteristics evolved? And finally, how have the salary increases under the LEARNS Act affected teacher retention?

Researchers found that teacher salaries in traditionally lower-paying rural and high-poverty districts experienced larger increases in their salary steps (i.e. incremental pay increases typically based on years of experience), making the starting salaries in these districts more competitive. For example, an increase of 10 percentage points in the proportion of free or reduced-price lunch (FRPL) students in a district was associated with about a $475 average increase in starting salaries. And rural districts increased their starting salaries by just over $2,000 more than urban districts.

The researchers also concluded that the salary increases had positive effects on retention. Teachers who received raises above $2,000 were more likely to remain in their districts. It should be noted that the empirical estimates used demonstrated that the effects of a salary boost on retention were more concentrated in the first year after implementation. After the first year of implementation, the effects decreased somewhat in subsequent years. The strongest effects were observed among those who received the largest increases (above $6,000). Overall, retention rose by roughly 0.4 percentage points for each $1,000 increase in salary. Larger raises produced even bigger gains in retention, with increases of 2.2 percentage points for raises between $6,001 and $8,000, and 3.1 percentage points for raises above $8,000.

Unfortunately, the effects of the policy seemed to fade as inflation eroded the value of the initial salary gain, which aligns with prior research on the topic. While the policy demonstrates promising short-term improvements in teacher retention in the years following initial implementation, its long-term sustainability remains a concern. This highlights the need for continued study of how large, statewide reforms perform over time and how they might be adjusted to maintain their impact. Similarly, future research should also consider whether or not these policies keep more effective educators in the classroom.

Taken together, Arkansas offers an instructive example of a policy with clear potential to improve teacher retention, but it also underscores that raising salaries alone may not be enough to ensure lasting change as the policy only created a one-time increase in teacher salaries. Policymakers will need to think beyond initial salary increases and consider how to enact a structural change in teacher compensation that is able to provide educators with a sustainable salary long-term.

SOURCE: Gema Zamarro, Andrew M. Camp, Josh McGee, Taylor Wilson, & Miranda Vernon. “Raising the Floor: Teacher Retention Effects of a Statewide Minimum Salary Increase.” (March 2026).

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
School Finance
Teachers & School Leaders
Daniel Buck
4.30.2026
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We need to talk about accommodations. Like puppies or grandma’s cookies, they are treated as unmitigated goods—at least in my experience. Should we not support all students? Should we not provide differentiated instruction? Who in their right mind could oppose offering accommodations, leveling the playing field, and helping students with special needs?

In the media, a dash of skepticism has breached the surface. In an essay for The Atlantic, Rose Horowitch reported on how “students with disabilities” now more often entails “rich kids getting extra time on tests” than “kids in wheelchairs,” which puts “the entire idea of fairness at risk.” At elite universities and law schools, upwards of forty percent of students now qualify for accommodations, and an increasing number for mental health issues such as anxiety or depression.

Reflecting on a similar situation at the high school level, The Wall Street Journal’s Emma Camp argued that “When a third of a high school’s students count as ‘disabled,’ the definition of disability has grown so broad as to become nonsensical.”

Without getting into fights over the fairness of accommodations or the veracity of diagnoses, I want to ask a question about how accommodations affect the students who receive them. Do they actually help?

In a compelling article, “Enabling or disabling: Observations on changes in special education,” the late scholar of special education James Kauffman expressed a similar concern that providing accommodations “is not always in the students’ best long-term interests.” Indeed, accommodations too often amount to “freedom from expectations of performance” that can “set that same student up for failure later in life.”

He runs through the list of popular accommodations. More time on tests or extensions on assignments can enable avoidance tactics, which in turn means assignments pile up, the student gets further behind and struggles to comprehend current content. Reading aloud “can be beneficial” but well-meaning proctors may read with inflection, define vocabulary, or provide extemporaneous explanations. Changing tests to open-notes or open-books “breaches good-faith test proctoring.” Scribing for a student can also be useful but a teacher should ensure they only scribe what the student says (with no corrections) and ultimately encourage students who are able to master writing for themselves.

“‘Saving’ a child from his or her own negative behavior,” Kauffman explains, “reinforces that behavior and makes it a self-fulfilling prophecy,” and both parents and teachers confuse making life easier with making it better.

As one concrete example, I had a student whose grades began to slip as classwork got harder in middle school. He didn’t complete his homework, didn’t study, made no use of his planner, and never took notes. He usually spent class time disassembling pens and doodling. Even before requesting an IEP, his parents always sought more and more support—extra time on tests, teacher assistance filling out his planner, regular notebook checks, and other such assistance—while his teachers thought that he needed to feel the pressure of poor grades.

I do not have the pedigree to diagnose whether he had ADHD or a learning disability. But I do question whether accommodations would have helped him in the long run. Cognitively, he could perform, but his habits kept him back. Extensions, extra time, and extra assistance meant he could continue with poor organizational habits, inattention, and reliance on adults to save the day. What incentive is there to try hard the first time—or at all for that matter—so long as he receives such supports?

There are some policy tweaks that can flow from this analysis. I would point readers to Miriam Freedman’s excellent writing on the topic in Fordham’s own pages: curtail the overdiagnosis of students with mild or moderate needs, focus on outputs instead of inputs, and remove the litigious nature of the law that sets parents against teachers.

But first, a change in perspective is requisite. With regard to more severe behaviors, we accept how “helping” someone can do long-term harm. The financial provision of a doting parent can bankroll the destructive behaviors of their adult child, for example.

While academic behaviors and their subsequent consequences are less severe, the same principle applies. When overapplied, they only foster the very behaviors that got students poor marks in the first place, thereby getting them a higher grade in the short term but doing them a disservice in the long term.

That’s not to say we do away with all accommodations. A fierce critic, Kauffman acknowledges there are obvious supports that students with severe disabilities need—braille for blind students, preferential seating for students who are hard of hearing, or dictation devices—and even the more controversial examples have a place. For example, “if a student is clearly working hard, then extensions may be appropriate,” he writes.

But in every IEP meeting, there needs to be an acknowledgement that there’s a negative side to accommodations.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Accountability & Testing
Personalized Learning
Miriam Kurtzig Freedman
4.30.2026
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When 20 percent of Harvard and Brown students and 38 percent of Stanford’s are eligible for accommodations even as just 3–4 percent of students in community colleges are, we have a crisis of trust in testing, fairness, and equity. Designed to be rare, accommodations now seem to be given out like candy, especially to those who know how to press for them—mostly the wealthy. Where are the defenders of academic standards, equality of opportunity, and valid assessment? While much discussion centers on elite colleges, the situation is similar in the K–12 arena.

Accommodations are intended to level the playing field for students with disabilities. They change how students access instruction or demonstrate knowledge or skills. Properly administered, testing accommodations provide equitable access without—here’s the key—fundamentally altering the substance of what is taught or tested.

Common examples of testing accommodations include extended time, large print, and quiet testing rooms. Extra time is, by far, the most commonly used—and controversial—accommodation.

While the law requires reasonable accommodations, it does not require fundamentally altering a test or lowering standards. For many years, a “flag” placed on score reports informed readers (e.g., admissions officers, parents) that a test was taken with extended time such as time and a half, twice the time, or more—a practice long approved by the courts. Otherwise, a test reader could not know whether scores of two candidates are comparable, as there is no way to know if they took the test under the same standard conditions. For reasons explained below, flags have not been used on the SAT, ACT, and many other tests since 2003. As a result, test users’ ability to assess the meaning of test results and to make fair and reasonable decisions for all students has been compromised. 

How did we get here? Two catalysts stand out. The 1990 Americans with Disabilities Act and later amendments broadened the definition of disability to include more people. And as part of a 2002 settlement of a threatened lawsuit by Disability Rights Advocates, which claimed that the College Board’s flagging practice on its standardized admissions tests discriminated against students with disabilities, the Board agreed to stop flagging its score reports altogether.

It’s important to remember that the flag described the score, not the student. Seventy-nine percent of college admissions officers at the time opposed the Board’s change. Yet within two weeks, the ACT followed suit. By 2003, these and many other tests stopped using flags. I warned then that this settlement would increase the use of accommodations and erode trust in standardized testing. It has.

Standardized tests derive their legitimacy and validity from their standardization, making results comparable among test takers. Test validity requires that tests actually measure what they purport to measure and report results accurately. Before 2003, these tests were designed to measure student performance on timed tests. If test results are skewed by extra time, an accommodation that may affect results, those results are no longer comparable to other test takers’ results. Note, though, that other sorts of accommodations—such as large print or a quiet room—do not raise issues of comparability or validity.

Research has shown that giving students, whether they are disabled or not, extra time for standardized tests tends to raise their scores. This is especially so among medium- and high-ability students who are vying for entrance to elite institutions. Hence administering tests like the SAT or ACT, which are designed to be timed tests, with extended time for some people but not others creates a different test. It obscures fair and reliable comparisons between standard and nonstandard test administrations. What if we gave some runners more time to run the “four-minute mile?” That, too, would be a different race.

Over these last two decades, the increased use of accommodations and unflagged test results has contributed to compromised standards in our schools and questionable test results. Interestingly, we’ve seen that most colleges no longer require either of these “college entrance” exams.

While much of today’s attention and hand-wringing is focused on students and parents who request accommodations, I believe the focus should be elsewhere—on the standards and tests themselves. As a school attorney, I was often asked if parents or students were abusing accommodations. In my view, that is not the issue. As I see it, if test makers, schools, and evaluators offer a “benefit,” why blame people for availing themselves of that benefit? I believe that the central failing lies with test-makers, schools, evaluators, etc.—the institutions and professionals that are supposed to build and administer valid tests and set standards.

It’s obviously easier to say yes to a student or parent who requests extra time than to say no and face their ire or a threatened lawsuit. Yet, those yeses end up undermining valid tests. The loss of reliable and valid test results is worrisome in many ways, as we the public and test users (like educators, parents, students themselves, and admissions officers) rely on institutions to uphold standards that individuals can’t on their own.  Ultimately, without valid standards, we lose faith and trust in the system. And here we are.

I suggest three options to return to comparable and valid test reporting.

The first option is for tests to allow as much time (within practical constraints) as test takers need or wish to take. This option makes clear that a test’s design and purpose is not based on time constraints and that its results will be standardized, comparable, and valid. For example, such tests would not evaluate the speed with which test takers work, how they fare under pressure, and their knowledge fluency—that is, if they can apply knowledge quickly and automatically. If that is so, no one needs that extra time accommodation!

The second option—which may be uniquely attractive in this era of choice and personalized learning—lets all test-takers choose how they wish to take a test. They can take the test within standard time limits and have their results unflagged or take it with extended time and have their results flagged. Presumably, test takers who have test anxiety or are poor test takers—whether disabled or not, including those who choose not to use the accommodations offered to them—will choose this option. This option undercuts the discrimination claim, as flags will not identify students with disabilities.

The third option reverts to the pre-2003 approach for test takers and score reports. Flags were used to notify test users that a test was taken with extended time due to accommodations.  As discussed above, this arrangement was abandoned by many test makers almost a quarter of a century ago.

Today’s national conversation about accommodations suggests a growing unease with their apparent overuse in many communities. Even with good intentions, this situation erodes standards, fairness, trust, and notions of excellence. In compounding the advantage of privileged families, it also appears to worsen equity, as the use of accommodations is highest for students at elite institutions and not widely used by others.

The goal of any of these options is to restore test comparability and validity—key elements of standardized testing and the reason we bother with these tests in the first place.

If we want to restore confidence in standards in schools and standardized tests, we must be willing to establish, defend, and protect them. Why aren’t we? Regarding standardized testing, where are today’s defenders of valid tests, fairness, equity, and honesty? The powerful institutions in the testing arenas—test makers, schools, colleges—that are expected to create and uphold valid testing programs need to reassert their responsibility. Once they do so, we can again have confidence that score reports are comparable and valid, bring accommodations use back to credible levels, and restore trust in those assessments.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Accountability & Testing
Teachers & School Leaders
Amber M. Northern, Ph.D. Michael J. Petrilli
4.30.2026
A teacher's desk
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Formal reading instruction in the United States predates our nation’s founding. Published in the 1680s, The New England Primer—the nation’s first major schoolbook—included spelling and sounding-out exercises that modern science of reading advocates would readily identify as early phonics instruction.

But it was the late nineteenth-century psychologist Edmund Huey who established the roots of the “science of reading” (SoR). Using rudimentary mechanical devices to measure eye movements, he showed that the act of reading was not a smooth process but rather a series of “rapid eye jumps and pauses,” reflecting the complex mental processes involved in decoding and comprehension.

In the decades that followed, a procession of influential scholars—including Edward Thorndike, Rudolf Flesch, Jeanne Chall, Keith Stanovich, and Marilyn Jager Adams—built an empirical foundation on how children learn to read. And in 2000, the National Reading Panel synthesized the best evidence and the takeaways for classroom implementation.

Yet this long research tradition has not produced uniform understanding or practice in today’s literacy classrooms. Instead, we’ve experienced significant bumps, detours, and even reading “wars,” as advocates of effective reading instruction have struggled to make their voices heard.

In 2022, Emily Hanford’s podcast series, Sold a Story, initiated a fresh wave of concern and advocacy, and state and local policies meant to improve reading instruction have proliferated in response. (At least 40 states and counting have enacted science of reading laws.) Whether these efforts ultimately succeed depends in large part on how clearly and consistently they are understood, supported, and enacted by teachers.

To learn more about that, we conducted a nationally representative survey of America’s K–3 reading teachers, with the twin goals of assessing their knowledge of reading science (via a short quiz embedded in the survey) and connecting those results to specific and ongoing “SoR” state implementation efforts. Fordham’s David Griffith and Brian Fitzpatrick co-led the analysis that resulted in our new study, From the teacher’s desk: A science of reading progress report.

Here are their four big findings:

First, at least a third of teachers in high-poverty settings aren’t fully committed to the science of reading.

For example, when given the choice between a phonics-based approach to reading instruction and “cueing”—a discredited practice that encourages guessing instead of systematic decoding—a disquieting 41 percent of K–3 teachers in high-poverty settings did not express a clear preference for phonics (Figure F-1).

Figure F-1. Teachers in high-poverty settings are more likely to express ambivalence about phonics-based instruction.

Figure F-1. Teachers in high-poverty settings are more likely to express ambivalence about phonics-based instruction.
Note: Survey question: “Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?” The percentages shown include teachers who chose “cueing,” “both equally,” or “neither” rather than “phonics.” This question is based on a similar question from Fordham’s 2025 report, Ohio’s path to early literacy: Science of Reading progress and challenges.

Second, teachers who rely on their preservice training know less about the science of reading than teachers who receive in-service training.

In fact, while receiving science of reading–aligned professional development is associated with more knowledge of reading science, preservice emphasis on the science of reading is associated with less knowledge of the topic (Figure F-2). In other words, whatever literacy instruction teachers receive in schools of education may be actively harmful to their understanding of evidence-based practices.

Figure F-2. In-service literacy training is associated with more knowledge of reading science, while preservice literacy training is associated with less knowledge.

Figure F-2. In-service literacy training is associated with more knowledge of reading science, while preservice literacy training is associated with less knowledge.
Note: Survey question: “How much emphasis has your professional development/preservice program put on the science of reading?” *Indicates statistically significant difference at the 95 percent confidence level. Peach-colored bars (“None”) indicate the reference categories. Quiz scores range from zero to eight.

Third, teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests have a firmer grasp of reading science.

Of the 18 state reading policies we examined, only one—requiring an initial licensure test aligned with the science of reading—is associated with deeper understanding of that science (Figure F-3). Like the previous finding, this one suggests that improving the quality of preservice preparation is perhaps the most fundamental challenge.

Figure F-3. Teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests have a firmer grasp of the science of reading.

Figure F-3. Teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests have a firmer grasp of the science of reading.
Note: *Indicates statistically significant difference at the 95 percent confidence level. Peach-colored bars (“Not adopted”) indicate the reference categories.

Finally, many teachers are still using questionable reading curricula.

For example, despite facing criticism for their continued inclusion of three-cueing and other unscientific methods, Benchmark Advance and Fountas & Pinnell are still used by 19 percent and 16 percent of teachers, respectively—though in better news, the most popular reading curriculum in America is now the well-regarded UFLI (University of Florida Literacy Institute) Foundations (Figure F-4).

Figure F-4. The most popular reading curriculum among K–3 teachers is University of Florida Literacy Institute (UFLI) Foundations.

Figure F-4. The most popular reading curriculum among K–3 teachers is University of Florida Literacy Institute (UFLI) Foundations.
Note: Survey question: “Please select the 2–3 instructional materials in each row and column that you rely on to teach ELA skills.”

Encouragingly, the survey data show that teachers who use UFLI tend to know more about the science of reading than the rest of the sample, as do teachers using CKLA-Amplify. In contrast, teachers who use Benchmark, Fountas and Pinnell, and i-Ready (the nation’s second most popular reading curriculum) tend to be less knowledgeable than their peers.

Based on these findings, our Fordham colleagues urge states to take four steps:

  1. Require colleges of education and other teacher preparation programs to provide instruction aligned to the science of reading.
  2. Require that K–3 teacher licensure exams include comprehensive knowledge of the latest reading science.
  3. Require every K–3 teacher to complete at least one science of reading training in their first 2–3 years on the job.
  4. Require districts to choose a science of reading–aligned curriculum from a state-approved list in grades K–3.

We wholeheartedly agree with these recommendations and would add one more to the list: policymakers and other stakeholders must do everything in their power to address the emerging science of reading gap.

On average, the survey data suggest that teachers in low-poverty schools are at the 54th percentile of science of reading knowledge and commitment, while those in high-poverty schools are at the 44th—a substantial difference that will have dire consequences for poor students should it persist.

Unfortunately, we can’t say with certainty why this gap exists. For example, despite exhibiting less knowledge of reading science, teachers in high-poverty schools report more exposure to science of reading–aligned trainings such as LETRS (37 percent versus 27 percent) and CKLA (16 percent versus 8 percent) than teachers in low-poverty schools. Similarly, they are more likely to report using the CKLA-Amplify curriculum (27 percent versus 17 percent) – though they are also more likely to use i-Ready (42 percent versus 31 percent), which is generally associated with less knowledge of reading science.

Collectively, these patterns don’t suggest a single, straightforward explanation. But they do highlight the fragmented nature of curriculum adoption and the complexity of translating exposure to science of reading–aligned training into better practice in high-poverty schools. And by that measure, there is still considerable ground to cover.

To be clear, we’ve made real progress in recent years, so the challenge now is to use what we’ve learned to keep moving forward. To us, that means a sustained focus on the things that matter most: stronger preservice programming, deeper professional development, more coherent curricula, and implementation supports that reflect local realities—especially where the need is greatest.

Read the report:

From the Teacher’s Desk: A Science of Reading Progress Report

By David Griffith and Brian Fitzpatrick

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Evidence-Based Learning
Curriculum & Instruction
Teachers & School Leaders
Jeff Murray
4.29.2026
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  1. Your humble clips compiler missed you all on Monday, but I compiled no clips that day because there was literally nothing published that was worth talking about. Today is actually the same. To wit: The only piece on our roster is titled “Why Ohio ballots are packed with school levies — and how we got here”. But, since the piece doesn’t list steadily-shrinking student enrollment or districts using temporary pandemic money to fund permanent staff positions they can no longer afford, I respectfully submit that its nearly 1,000 words combine to say nothing worth talking about. Just like on Monday. (News 5 Cleveland, 4/28/26)

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Policy Priority:
School Funding
Topics:
Governance

In recent years, states and districts have made a concerted effort to align early elementary school instruction with “the science of reading.” But how much progress has actually been made?

To find out, Fordham researchers David Griffith and Brian Fitzpatrick analyzed results from a nationally representative survey of K–3 teachers—developed by Fordham and fielded by RAND—that examined their knowledge of reading science and its relationship to the policies that shape instruction.

The takeaway: Progress is real, but incomplete.

Download the full report or read it below.


Foreword

By Amber M. Northern and Michael J. Petrilli

Formal reading instruction in the United States predates our nation’s founding. Published in the 1680s, The New England Primer—the nation’s first major schoolbook—included spelling and sounding-out exercises that modern science of reading advocates would readily identify as early phonics instruction.

But it was the late nineteenth-century psychologist Edmund Huey who established the roots of the “science of reading” (SoR). Using rudimentary mechanical devices to measure eye movements, he showed that the act of reading was not a smooth process but rather a series of “rapid eye jumps and pauses,” reflecting the complex mental processes involved in decoding and comprehension.

In the decades that followed, a procession of influential scholars—including Edward Thorndike, Rudolf Flesch, Jeanne Chall, Keith Stanovich, and Marilyn Jager Adams—built an empirical foundation on how children learn to read. And in 2000, the National Reading Panel synthesized the best evidence and the takeaways for classroom implementation.

Yet this long research tradition has not produced uniform understanding or practice in today’s literacy classrooms. Instead, we’ve experienced significant bumps, detours, and even reading “wars,” as advocates of effective reading instruction have struggled to make their voices heard.

In 2022, Emily Hanford’s podcast series, Sold a Story, initiated a fresh wave of concern and advocacy, and state and local policies meant to improve reading instruction have proliferated in response. (At least 40 states and counting have enacted science of reading laws.) Whether these efforts ultimately succeed depends in large part on how clearly and consistently they are understood, supported, and enacted by teachers.

To learn more about that, we conducted a nationally representative survey of America’s K–3 reading teachers, with the twin goals of assessing their knowledge of reading science (via a short quiz embedded in the survey) and connecting those results to specific and ongoing “SoR” state implementation efforts. Fordham’s David Griffith and Brian Fitzpatrick co-led the analysis and report writing.

Their investigation yielded four big findings:

First, at least a third of teachers in high-poverty settings aren’t fully committed to the science of reading.

For example, when given the choice between a phonics-based approach to reading instruction and “cueing”—a discredited practice that encourages guessing instead of systematic decoding—a disquieting 41 percent of K–3 teachers in high-poverty settings did not express a clear preference for phonics (Figure F-1).

Figure F-1. Teachers in high-poverty settings are more likely to express ambivalence about phonics-based instruction.

Figure F-1. Teachers’ preferences for phonics versus cueing by school poverty level

Note: Survey question: “Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?” The percentages shown include teachers who chose “cueing,” “both equally,” or “neither” rather than “phonics.” This question is based on a similar question from Fordham’s 2025 report, Ohio’s path to early literacy: Science of Reading progress and challenges.

Second, teachers who rely on their preservice training know less about the science of reading than teachers who receive in-service training.

In fact, while receiving science of reading–aligned professional development is associated with more knowledge of reading science, preservice emphasis on the science of reading is associated with less knowledge of the topic (Figure F-2). In other words, whatever literacy instruction teachers receive in schools of education may be actively harmful to their understanding of evidence-based practices.

Figure F-2. In-service literacy training is associated with more knowledge of reading science, while preservice literacy training is associated with less knowledge.

updated figure f-2

Note: Survey question: “How much emphasis has your professional development/preservice program put on the science of reading?” *Indicates statistically significant difference at the 95 percent confidence level. Peach-colored bars (“None”) indicate the reference categories. Quiz scores range from zero to eight.

Third, teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests have a firmer grasp of reading science.

Of the 18 state reading policies we examined, only one—requiring an initial licensure test aligned with the science of reading—is associated with deeper understanding of that science (Figure F-3). Like the previous finding, this one suggests that improving the quality of preservice preparation is perhaps the most fundamental challenge.

Figure F-3. Teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests have a firmer grasp of the science of reading.

Figure F-3. Teacher knowledge of reading science by state licensure test alignment

Note: *Indicates statistically significant difference at the 95 percent confidence level. Peach-colored bars (“Not adopted”) indicate the reference categories.

Finally, many teachers are still using questionable reading curricula.

For example, despite facing criticism for their continued inclusion of three-cueing and other unscientific methods, Benchmark Advance and Fountas & Pinnell are still used by 19 percent and 16 percent of teachers, respectively—though in better news, the most popular reading curriculum in America is now the well-regarded UFLI (University of Florida Literacy Institute) Foundations (Figure F-4).

Figure F-4. The most popular reading curriculum among K–3 teachers is University of Florida Literacy Institute (UFLI) Foundations.

Figure F-4. Most commonly used reading curricula among K–3 teachers

Note: Survey question: “Please select the 2–3 instructional materials in each row and column that you rely on to teach ELA skills.”

Encouragingly, the survey data show that teachers who use UFLI tend to know more about the science of reading than the rest of the sample, as do teachers using CKLA-Amplify. In contrast, teachers who use Benchmark, Fountas and Pinnell, and i-Ready (the nation’s second most popular reading curriculum) tend to be less knowledgeable than their peers.[1]

Based on these findings, our Fordham colleagues urge states to take four steps:

1. Require colleges of education and other teacher preparation programs to provide instruction aligned to the science of reading.

2. Require that K–3 teacher licensure exams include comprehensive knowledge of the latest reading science.

3. Require every K–3 teacher to complete at least one science of reading training in their first 2–3 years on the job.

4. Require districts to choose a science of reading–aligned curriculum from a state-approved list in grades K–3.

We wholeheartedly agree with these recommendations and would add one more to the list: policymakers and other stakeholders must do everything in their power to address the emerging science of reading gap.

On average, the survey data suggest that teachers in low-poverty schools are at the 54th percentile of science of reading knowledge and commitment, while those in high-poverty schools are at the 44th—a substantial difference that will have dire consequences for poor students should it persist.

Unfortunately, we can’t say with certainty why this gap exists. For example, despite exhibiting less knowledge of reading science, teachers in high-poverty schools report more exposure to science of reading–aligned trainings such as LETRS (37 percent versus 27 percent) and CKLA (16 percent versus 8 percent) than teachers in low-poverty schools. Similarly, they are more likely to report using the CKLA-Amplify curriculum (27 percent versus 17 percent) – though they are also more likely to use i-Ready (42 percent versus 31 percent), which is generally associated with less knowledge of reading science.

Collectively, these patterns don’t suggest a single, straightforward explanation. But they do highlight the fragmented nature of curriculum adoption and the complexity of translating exposure to science of reading–aligned training into better practice in high-poverty schools. And by that measure, there is still considerable ground to cover.

To be clear, we’ve made real progress in recent years, so the challenge now is to use what we’ve learned to keep moving forward. To us, that means a sustained focus on the things that matter most: stronger preservice programming, deeper professional development, more coherent curricula, and implementation supports that reflect local realities—especially where the need is greatest.

Introduction

The basic contours of the “science of reading” have been well-established since at least the turn of the century, when the National Reading Panel published its definitive report, Teaching Children to Read. Yet despite the unusual strength of the evidence behind the science of reading movement, millions of American students are still taught with ineffective instructional methods and materials.

In recent years, reading reformers have finally begun to turn the tide, aided by the work of education authors and mainstream journalists such as Emily Hanford, whose 2022 podcast series, Sold a Story: How Teaching Kids to Read Went So Wrong, brought unprecedented attention to the problems with reading instruction, including the degree to which explicit phonics instruction—which is critical to decoding unfamiliar words—was overlooked or crowded out by unscientific approaches such as whole language, three-cueing, and “balanced” literacy.

In the wake of the podcast’s release, many practicing educators came forward to corroborate Hanford’s account, and a bipartisan coalition of stakeholders ignited a fresh wave of activity in statehouses, departments of education, and central offices that focused on science of reading–aligned professional development and instructional materials for kindergarten through third grade, which is the period when most children learn to read. In addition to explicit phonics instruction, this push has increasingly incorporated other “pillars” of effective reading instruction, such as a proactive approach to phonemic awareness and a broad curriculum that effectively builds knowledge and vocabulary through exposure to history, science, and other essential content.

But is this flurry of activity having the desired effects?

To find out, we conducted a nationally representative survey of K–3 teachers whose responsibilities included teaching reading or English language arts instruction. Our research questions were as follows:

1. How well do K–3 teachers understand the science of reading?

For example, how many view explicit phonics instruction as essential? How many understand that teaching subjects like history and science is critical to building content knowledge and vocabulary—and thus to reading comprehension? How many understand the specific reading challenges facing English learners and students with dyslexia? And how do the answers to these questions differ by teacher and/or school characteristics?

2. What science of reading supports are K–3 teachers receiving?

For example, how many have received professional development on phonics or other topics? How many have worked with a reading coach? To what extent are instructional materials aligned with the science of reading? And what do recent graduates say about the reading/literacy training that education schools and other teacher preparation programs are providing?

3. Which policies or supports are associated with a deeper understanding of reading science?

For example, do teachers exhibit a deeper knowledge of the science of reading in states that provide funding for reading/literacy efforts? Are those with reading coaches or other supports more committed to evidence-based practice? Is exposure to specific trainings associated with a better understanding of phonics or other topics?

Overall, the results suggest at least two conclusions. First, K–3 teachers’ knowledge of the science of reading is improving. Second, there is an urgent need for continued progress.

Background

Like the act of reading itself, the body of knowledge that has come to be referred to as the “science of reading” is inherently complex. For example, in the spring of 2000, the National Reading Panel’s final report, which synthesized decades of experimental research, concluded that effective early literacy instruction includes explicit attention to phonemic awareness, systematic phonics, fluency, vocabulary, and strategy-based comprehension.

Subsequent research has largely reinforced those findings, with two exceptions. First, fluency is increasingly viewed as an outcome that emerges naturally from decoding and orthographic mapping (storing a written word in one’s long-term memory), though some modeling of and practice with prosody may be appropriate. Second, exposure to rich content that builds knowledge and vocabulary across multiple domains is now understood as essential to reading comprehension, while traditional reading comprehension strategies such as finding the main idea are considered less likely to move the needle.[2]

In contrast, recent studies have made the need for systematic phonics and other elements of “structured literacy” such as blending and morphology even more difficult to dispute. And in recent years, state policymakers have acted on this evidence. For example, at least thirty-three states now mandate science of reading training for early-elementary teachers and administrators, while others are banning the use of three-cueing (using meaning, syntax, and visual cues to guess unknown words) or requiring districts to adopt high-quality instructional materials grounded in scientific reading research.

At face value, these reforms appear promising. Still, prior experience provides grounds for caution. For example, in the wake of the National Reading Panel’s report, the federal government issued Reading First grants, which incentivized states to promote “scientifically based reading instruction” via curricular materials and professional development. Yet despite this incentive (and the weight of the evidence), there was pushback, with many districts and educators keen to do what they had been doing and wary of an approach that they considered too prescriptive. And subsequently, many districts shifted toward “balanced literacy,” which purportedly included best practices from both whole-language and phonics-based approaches but which often resembled the former in practice.

Two decades later, the challenge of firmly grounding instruction in the science of reading persists. For example, one recent study found that elementary teachers had limited knowledge of key literacy constructs—including phonological awareness, phonics, and decoding. Similarly, a 2025 study found that many of the instructional materials used by elementary school teachers did not meet widely accepted scientific standards.

To be clear, little of the blame for this state of affairs lies with teachers. For example, a 2023 study found that only 53 percent of teacher education programs provided instruction in phonemic awareness, which is a foundational skill for early reading. And some of the reading/literacy programs that have dominated the elementary landscape in recent decades have been criticized for their inattention to phonics and other scientific principles.

Despite inconsistent implementation, specific reading policies—including those pertaining to literacy coaching, reading-focused professional development, high-quality instructional materials, external literacy supports, and third-grade retention—have been associated with improved reading outcomes for some or all students. And in recent years, states such as Mississippi have succeeded in boosting reading scores after adopting more comprehensive literacy reforms.

Yet while prior research has examined both specific science of reading supports and policies and teachers’ knowledge and beliefs regarding the science of reading, it has largely failed to examine the relationship between the two, with the exception of a 2025 RAND study that related policies on preservice training, professional learning, and curriculum use to a question about decoding-related practice. The present study expands on that work by investigating the links between a broader set of policies and supports and a more comprehensive measure of teacher knowledge.

Data and Methods

The primary data source for this project is a nationally representative survey that was administered to a subsample of the RAND American Teacher Panel (ATP) in the fall of 2025. The sampling methodology was designed, via a set of survey weights, to produce nationally representative estimates of K–3 public school teachers who taught English language arts (ELA) or English as a second language (ESL) during the 2025–26 school year.[3]

The survey design called for approximately 300 teachers per grade level (kindergarten through grade 3), with intentional subgroup targets of 225 teachers from non–high-poverty schools and seventy-five teachers from high-poverty schools within each grade. To achieve these goals, invitations were sent to 3,200 teachers starting on October 21, 2025, and respondents were offered a $10 electronic gift card as an incentive. After excluding ineligible respondents, the final analytic sample included 1,244 teachers, for a completion rate of 41.6 percent.

Survey Instrument

The survey included approximately sixty questions, most of which gauged teachers’ exposure to specific science of reading supports such as reading/literacy coaches, science of reading–focused trainings, and other forms of professional development, as well as preservice preparation programs that emphasize scientific reading instruction and reading/literacy curricula that are designed to encourage it.

In addition to multiple-choice questions, the survey included an open-ended question that invited teachers to “describe the most significant changes in early reading or ELA instruction that [they] ha[d] experienced in recent years.” A sampling of those responses appears throughout the report as illustrative context for the findings.

Finally, the survey included a short battery of questions that assessed teachers’ knowledge and understanding of the science of reading, which we scored based on the following point system:

3 points for knowledge of and commitment to explicit and systematic instruction in phonics and other elements of decoding

3 points for knowledge of and commitment to building knowledge and vocabulary to support reading comprehension

1 point for knowledge of reading/language supports that benefit English learners

1 point for knowledge of reading/language supports that benefit students with dyslexia

Readers who are familiar with the science of reading will recognize that the distribution of points between the first two categories echoes the formula for reading comprehension that is the foundation for the Simple View of Reading.[4] Advocates for English learners and students with dyslexia should note that we have included questions that deal with the specific instructional needs of these groups. For a full account of the survey and the questions included in the quiz, see Appendix A and Appendix B.

Investigating the links between policies and/or supports and teachers’ knowledge

To quantify teachers’ exposure to policies related to the science of reading, we augment our survey data with data from ExcelinEd’s Early Literacy Matters initiative,[5] which tracks states’ adoption of eighteen fundamental principles, such as requiring science of reading–aligned professional development and publishing guidance on high-quality instructional materials.[6] For simplicity’s sake, we consider states rated as having “fully” or “partially” implemented a principle to have policy aligned to that principle and consider states with “no such policy” or “forthcoming policy” to not have policy aligned to that principle.[7]

To investigate the links between policies and/or supports and teachers’ knowledge, we use a combination of correlation coefficients and bivariate regression to identify key variables from both the survey and the ExcelinEd data that predict teacher performance on the science of reading “quiz,” as well as other dependent variables. In general, we report differences that are significant at the 95 percent confidence level. For additional details on the methods, see Appendix D.

Findings

Finding 1 At least a quarter of teachers—and at least a third of those in disadvantaged settings—are not fully committed to the science of reading.

As noted, our science of reading quiz included a “decoding” section, a “reading comprehension” section, and two multipart questions that focused on special populations that require additional supports. In this section, we summarize teachers’ performance on each of those components and the evidence that their understanding of and commitment to the science of reading differ by school and teacher characteristics.

Finding 1a. Some teachers still aren’t emphasizing phonics.

When given the choice between four possible approaches to reading instruction, about half of K–3 teachers say they take a “structured” approach that emphasizes explicit instruction in phonics, decoding, and related skills (Figure 1). However, nearly one in three say they take a “balanced” approach that includes discredited methods such as leveled texts and “cueing support.” And nearly one in five say they take an “eclectic” or “immersive” approach that does not necessarily include phonics.

Figure 1. Only half of K–3 teachers say they take a structured approach to reading instruction that reflects the science of reading.

revised figure 1

Note: Survey question: “Which of the following best describes your approach to reading instruction?” C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Similarly, when given the choice, about two-thirds of teachers say they favor phonics over cueing (Figure 2). However, even though cueing has been discredited, 30 percent of teachers say they favor both approaches equally, and about 2 percent say they favor cueing over phonics.

Figure 2. Most K–3 teachers say they favor phonics over discredited cueing practices, but a sizable minority doesn’t express a clear preference.

Figure 2. K–3 teachers’ preferences for phonics versus cueing practices

Note: Survey question: “Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?” Question is based on a similar question from Fordham’s 2025 report Ohio’s path to early literacy: Science of Reading progress and challenges. C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Looking across both questions, 78 percent of teachers either say they take a structured approach or chose phonics over cueing in the second question. However, 22 percent fail to express a clear preference for phonics in either question. And only 42 percent answer both questions correctly.

Notably, teachers who say they take an “eclectic” or “immersive” approach to reading instruction are even less likely to choose phonics over cueing than those who say they take a “balanced” approach (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Teachers who say they take a structured approach to reading instruction are more likely to favor phonics over cueing.

Figure 3. Relationship between structured reading instruction and preference for phonics over cueing

Note: Survey question: “Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?”

Perhaps more encouragingly, when presented with a hypothetical scenario in which a student is “having trouble reading an unfamiliar word during small-group instruction,” 81 percent of teachers correctly indicate that the best strategy is to “help the student break the word into parts to identify syllables or phonics patterns” (Figure 4). Still, 19 percent of teachers chose another response, including 8 percent who say they would “ask the student what word would make sense in the context of the sentence.”

Figure 4. Most K–3 teachers correctly believe that they should help students break unfamiliar words into parts to identify syllables or phonics patterns.

revised figure 4

Note: Survey question: “A student in your class is having trouble reading an unfamiliar word during small-group instruction. In your opinion, what should a teacher do first?” Question is based on a similar question from a 2019 survey by Education Week. C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Overall, just 37 percent of teachers answered all three decoding-related questions correctly. In other words, 63 percent missed at least one question. Moreover, 30 percent missed at least two questions, and 7 percent answered all three questions incorrectly.

In our view, these results suggest that roughly 7 percent of America’s K–3 teachers have little interest in teaching students to decode and that about 30 percent haven’t fully internalized the importance of doing so—though, as their open-ended comments illustrated, many teachers do support the renewed emphasis on phonics (see What do teachers say about the most recent push for phonics?).

What do teachers say about the most recent push for phonics?

“The most significant change has been to bring phonics back into the picture. This has drastically changed how quickly students are able to learn to read. They are happier learners because they aren’t as frustrated with reading.”

“I am thankful for a renewed emphasis on phonics and decoding words instead of using the cueing system, which is just guessing. Learning the sounds and phonics patterns is creating better readers and spellers!”

“The biggest change has been moving towards the science of reading. It has been a great change teaching kids letter sounds so they can use this knowledge to solve new words.”

“We’ve actually started teaching students HOW to decode and read. Before, we used the cueing system (teaching them to guess) and expected students to read novels after 15 minutes of modeling reading, and they couldn’t decode or understand what they were looking at.”

“The shift from cueing system to phonemic awareness and phonics has been a game changer for building foundational skills for my [English learner] students. However, the shift also threw out a lot of good things that were happening with balanced literacy such as time in class to practice independent reading. Students will continue to struggle when the time in school does not allow for lots of reading and rereading so kids can practice the phonics skills they are being taught.”

“I learned from a balanced literacy era. I believe asking yourself ‘Did that make sense?’ is important while reading. I think the pendulum swings too far to one side and we need balance. I also think students need exposure to leveled or authentic text instead of constantly reading decodable texts.”

“While I support our current emphasis on phonics, I worry that kids are going to lose out with less comprehension and vocabulary instruction.”

“Getting teachers to change is the hard part, but once they begin seeing the growth in the data, they become a believer in systematic and explicit phonics instruction.”

“The shift to the science of reading has been huge. I’m not sure why we got away from phonics-based reading instruction, but it’s evidence-based and rooted in research and has profound effects on teaching kids to read. I’m glad to see the pendulum swing back!”

“The pendulum swings, like political winds. Let us teach. Please!”

“In my 30 years as a teacher, I have seen many changes in curricular themes. … I appreciate the research supporting teaching phonics in an explicit, systematic way. I am hoping my district doesn’t ‘abandon ship’ halfway through the complete implementation of this approach.”

Finding 1b: Some teachers still believe that reading comprehension depends on a set of generalizable skills.

Research suggests that reading comprehension depends heavily on what a reader already knows about a topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text. Yet despite this finding, when forced to choose, most teachers (58 percent) say reading comprehension depends on “a set of generalizable skills (like finding the main idea and making inferences) that can be applied to most texts,” as opposed to “what students already know about the topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text” (Figure 5).

Figure 5. Most K–3 teachers mistakenly believe that reading comprehension depends on a set of generalizable skills, as opposed to vocabulary and prior knowledge.

Figure 5. K–3 teachers’ beliefs about reading comprehension and generalizable skills versus knowledge

Note: Survey question: “Which statement do you agree with more?” C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Encouragingly, teachers did better when asked a more specific question about improving vocabulary and comprehension (Figure 6). For example, roughly two-thirds correctly identified “embedding explicit vocabulary instruction in context-rich nonfiction texts” as the most effective way to build vocabulary, though 26 percent chose “teaching students to use context clues to infer the meaning of new words” and 4 percent chose “encouraging students to read age-appropriate fiction independently.”

Figure 6. At least two-thirds of K–3 reading teachers correctly believe that embedding explicit vocabulary instruction in content-rich texts is the best way to build vocabulary.

revised figure 6

Note: Survey question: “In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to build vocabulary?” C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Similarly, 60 percent of teachers correctly identified “providing content-rich instruction to build background knowledge across subjects” as the best way to improve reading comprehension. However, 19 percent chose “teaching students how to find the main idea and supporting details,” 17 percent chose “using leveled texts that are matched to students’ reading levels,” and 5 percent chose “encouraging students to read independently on a regular basis” (Figure 7).

Figure 7. Most K–3 reading teachers correctly believe that providing content-rich instruction is the best way to improve reading comprehension.

revised figure 7

Note: Survey question: “In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to improve reading comprehension?” C = correct response; I = incorrect response.

Overall, just 23 percent of teachers answered all three reading comprehension questions correctly. In other words, 77 percent missed at least one question. Moreover, 43 percent of teachers missed at least two questions, and 14 percent answered all three questions incorrectly.

In our view, these results suggest that roughly 14 percent of America’s K–3 teachers have little interest in a knowledge-based approach and that about 43 percent haven’t fully internalized the importance of knowledge and vocabulary to reading comprehension—though it’s clear from teachers’ comments that there is progress on this front (see What do teachers say about the push for a knowledge-based approach?).

What do teachers say about the push for a knowledge-based approach?

“There has been a lot more emphasis on making sure the students are getting the background knowledge they need and the vocabulary they need for reading comprehension.”

“A major change has been putting more focus on helping students understand what they read and build their vocabulary, even in the early grades. We now spend more time helping them learn about different topics and build background knowledge through read-alouds, class discussions, and reading more challenging books together.”

“In the past few years, I have seen instruction shift to a more explicit and systematic focus. Emphasis on phonics in the early grades and then comprehension strategies through a knowledge-based program has been a major shift in my teaching.”

“All students are given grade level texts to read and discuss that builds on background knowledge. Morphology is taught in tandem.”

“In my district, we were slow to make the necessary changes and continued to use outdated curricula like Lucy Calkins until this school year. Now, we use … a knowledge-building curriculum in addition to our phonics curriculum. This gives students more opportunity to build knowledge.”

“The shift to the science of reading has been great and very beneficial for students. They are building their background knowledge more and decoding words as they read. Moving away from students reading aloud or working on comprehension tasks to working with rich content has been a big change.”

“Guided reading [with] Fountas and Pinnell is out. Phonics based small groups is in. Far more non-fiction texts. This sadly is at the expense of rich literature at all ages.”

“[Students] need to learn things at their appropriate age and not things way beyond their limits.”

Finding 1c: Some teachers have limited insight into the needs of English learners and students with dyslexia.

In general, teachers’ responses to questions that focused on specific student populations suggest the need for additional training and supportive materials. For example, while most teachers (95 percent) understand that English learners benefit from explicit phonics instruction and exposure to academic language and syntax, fewer (86 percent) understand that “using visuals and oral explanations to support comprehension” is effective, and fewer still (64 percent) understand that “building vocabulary through conversation and read-alouds” can also be effective (Figure 8).

Figure 8. Most K–3 teachers understand that English learners need phonics, but some have a limited grasp of effective approaches to building their vocabulary.

Figure 8. Most K–3 teachers understand that English learners need phonics, but some have a limited grasp of effective approaches to building their vocabulary.

Note: Survey question: “In your opinion, which of the following are effective ways to meet the needs of English learners?” Figure shows the percentages of teachers who correctly identified each statement as effective or ineffective.

“As a teacher of English [l]earners and training in the [science of reading] … [I think] instruction must emphasize pre-teaching vocabulary and using visuals and background knowledge to build meaning, which allows for comprehension.”

“Many teachers are not differentiating the materials so that EL [(English learner)] students are able to have access to the content and curriculum. This causes a greater gap between EL students and their peers.”

Similarly, most teachers (95 percent) understand that students with dyslexia benefit from explicit phonics instruction and often struggle with decoding despite having strong oral language skills (76 percent). However, fewer teachers (61 percent) understand that students with dyslexia often have difficulty identifying and manipulating the sounds in words, and most (56 percent) still mistakenly believe that students with dyslexia have difficulty reading because they confuse or reverse letters and words—something dyslexic and non-dyslexic students do at indistinguishable rates when they are learning to read (Figure 9). Overall, just 17 percent of teachers answered all four dyslexia-related questions correctly.

Figure 9. More than half of K–3 teachers (56 percent) mistakenly believe that students with dyslexia have difficulty reading because they confuse or reverse letters and words.

revised figure 9

Note: Survey question: “Based on your understanding of the condition, which of the following claims about dyslexia are accurate?” Figure shows the percentages of teachers who correctly identified each statement as accurate or inaccurate.

“I have seen huge growth in my special education students with systematic and structured phonics teaching.”

“I’ve learned a lot about dyslexia. This is something we didn’t learn about when I was in pre-teacher training. Now I feel I can help all my students succeed.”

Finding 1d. Teachers’ knowledge of reading science declines as the grade level increases.

Notably, the survey results suggest that knowledge of reading science declines with a teacher’s grade level, with kindergarten teachers exhibiting the deepest knowledge and third-grade teachers exhibiting the least understanding (Figure 10). Moreover, although these differences are particularly clear for decoding (which makes sense, given the number of students who have learned to decode by the time they reach third grade), they are also apparent when it comes to reading comprehension (which becomes increasingly central to teachers’ goals as the grade level increases).

Among other things, these differences may reflect the fact that science of reading–aligned trainings and curricula often disproportionately target kindergarten, where a focus on decoding is particularly crucial. Still, given the number of third graders who are still struggling with decoding—and the continuing need to build knowledge and vocabulary in higher grades—the mediocre performance of teachers in higher grade levels is grounds for concern.

Figure 10. Teachers’ knowledge of reading science declines as the grade level increases.

Figure 10. Teachers’ knowledge of reading science by grade level

Note: An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bar indicates the reference category (“All grades”).

“As a third-grade teacher I am not provided with much or any instruction or professional learning on teaching kids to read, because we are at the point where they should begin reading to learn. However, more and more I have students coming to me unable to decode and I am lacking in knowledge of how to support them. My curriculum is lacking any phonics piece, and what supplements I have been provided I have not been trained to use.”

“As a third-grade teacher, I used to focus on vocabulary, reading comprehension, and increasing fluency. Phonics instruction was used in a small group intervention setting. Now, incoming third graders require intensive phonics instruction as most of them can’t read at even a second-grade level. I was never trained in how to teach phonics, yet I teach it like any other curriculum to my whole class each day. Student need aligns more with ‘reading to learn’ instead of ‘learning to read’ but our third-grade curriculum is still very heavy in comprehension and vocab. There aren’t enough minutes in the day, and we don’t have enough leveled text to support students at all their different reading levels.”

Finding 1e. Teachers in disadvantaged settings are particularly likely to exhibit a limited understanding of the science of reading.

Understanding how teachers’ knowledge of reading science differs by setting is important. After all, a substantial body of research suggests that students in more disadvantaged settings are more dependent on teacher quality[8] and other factors[9] because they have fewer compensating resources upon which to draw.

On average, teachers in high-poverty neighborhoods and schools whose student bodies are mostly nonwhite exhibit less knowledge of and commitment to reading science than teachers in low-poverty neighborhoods and majority-white schools. Similarly, male teachers and nonwhite teachers exhibit less knowledge than female teachers and white teachers, perhaps because they are concentrated in high-poverty and majority-nonwhite schools (Figure 11).

Figure 11. Teachers in disadvantaged settings exhibit less understanding of reading science.

Figure 11. Teachers’ understanding of reading science by school context

Note: An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bars indicate the reference categories (the left bar in each pair).

Although these differences aren’t overwhelming, they are meaningful. For example, moving from a high-poverty setting to a low-poverty setting is equivalent to moving from the 44th percentile of teacher knowledge to the 54th percentile—not just for one year of elementary school but for all of them.

Notably, this difference is driven by the “decoding” portion of the quiz. For example, 37 percent of teachers in high-poverty settings missed at least two decoding questions, compared with 26 percent of teachers in low-poverty settings. And when given the choice, 43 percent of teachers in high-poverty settings failed to express a clear preference for phonics over cueing, compared with 25 percent of teachers in low-poverty settings.

In short, despite circumstantial evidence of progress, our results suggest that at least a third of K–3 teachers in disadvantaged settings still aren’t fully committed to the science of reading.

Finding 2 Teachers who rely on their preservice training know less about the science of reading than teachers who receive in-service training.

As noted, our survey included numerous questions about teachers’ exposure to science of reading supports, including the science of reading content of preservice preparation programs and the specific in-service trainings that teachers have completed. Below, we summarize those two forms of exposure and their relationships to teachers’ knowledge of reading science.

Finding 2a. In recent years, most K–3 teachers have received professional development in the science of reading.

Encouragingly, more than half of K–3 teachers (52 percent) reported that their recent professional development had placed “a lot” of emphasis on the science of reading. Specifically, more than half of teachers (56 percent) said their recent professional development had put a lot of emphasis on phonics in the previous two to three years (Figure 12), and almost as many (48 percent) said it had put a lot of emphasis on phonemic awareness.

Other science of reading pillars have received less attention. For example, about a quarter of teachers (26 percent) said their professional development had put a lot of emphasis on reading comprehension, and only a fifth (21 percent) said it had put a lot of emphasis on vocabulary. Still, most of the reading-related topics in the survey had received at least “some” emphasis, according to teachers. For example, just over two-thirds (70 percent) reported that “high quality reading curricula” had received at least some emphasis.

Figure 12. Phonics has been a primary focus of K–3 teachers’ recent professional development.

Figure 12. Emphasis of professional development topics for K–3 teachers

Note: Survey question: “Overall, how much emphasis has your professional development put on each of the following reading-related topics in the past 2–3 years?” Question is modeled on similar questions from recent RAND reports; however, the Fordham version included additional topics. A small percentage of teachers selected “I don’t remember” and were removed for the sake of simplicity.

Overall, 82 percent of teachers said they had completed at least one science of reading–aligned training in the previous two to three years, with many reporting that they had completed multiple trainings. Per Figure 13, the most popular training completed by respondents was LETRS (34 percent), followed by Heggerty training (28 percent), University of Florida Literacy Institute (UFLI) training (22 percent), and professional development provided and/or sponsored by the state (16 percent).[10]

Figure 13. Roughly a third of the nation’s K–3 teachers have completed the LETRS training.

Figure 13. K–3 teachers’ completion of LETRS training

Note: Survey question: “Which of the following science of reading–aligned trainings have you completed in the last 2–3 years?”

In general, teachers gave their recent reading/literacy professional development high marks, with three-quarters (75 percent) saying it had been at least “moderately” useful, nearly two-fifths (37 percent) saying it had been “extremely” or “very” useful, and just 6 percent of teachers saying it had not been useful at all (not shown).

Notably, many teachers praised LETRS and UFLI trainings in their open responses (see What do teachers say about science of reading trainings?).

What do teachers say about science of reading trainings?

"LETRS changed the way I teach. I am thankful to work in a district and state that is taking the science of reading seriously."

"UFLI training has significantly helped me to understand the best way to teach my student phonics in English."

"I was trained in LETRS and now understand how reading works and what has changed in the recent years. … Background knowledge is a big component to understanding what you read, but the phonics skills of breaking up words, putting them together, segmenting, decoding, etc., is what I use most in my classroom."

"LETRS is being required by [the state department of education]. I think this is a great change as it helps teachers understand how a child learns to read."

"After having to complete the [state] Reading Academies, I have learned a tremendous amount about the science of reading."

"UFLI has been a life changer for me this year."

"I have gained the confidence from my trainings (LETRS, OG, RGR, CKLA) to deliver meaningful, science of reading-based lessons to my students."

"The LETRS training changed my entire world when it came to teaching a student to read and spell."

"LETRS training should be mandated."

Finding 2b. Preservice preparation programs put less emphasis on the science of reading than teachers’ in-service professional development.

In general, teachers reported that science of reading–related topics had received less emphasis in their preservice preparation than in their in-service professional development (Figure 14). For example, while 57 percent of teachers said their recent professional development had put a lot of emphasis on phonics, only 23 percent said their preservice preparation program had. Similarly, fewer teachers said their preservice programs had put a lot of emphasis on phonemic/phonological awareness (48 percent versus 21 percent), vocabulary (21 percent versus 14 percent), and supports for English learners (17 percent versus 11 percent).

Figure 14. Preservice preparation programs put less emphasis on the science of reading than teachers’ in-service professional development.

revised figure 14

Note: Survey question: “Overall, how much emphasis has your professional development put on each of the following reading-related topics in the past 2–3 years?”

Although these results aren’t necessarily indicative of weak preservice preparation, teachers’ responses to other survey questions are consistent with that interpretation. For example, just 2 percent of teachers said their preservice preparation program had taught them “the most about effective practices for teaching children to read.” In contrast, 21 percent of teachers cited their in-service professional development (Figure 15).

Figure 15. Only 2 percent of teachers say they learned about effective practices for teaching children to read from their preservice preparation programs.

Figure 15. Sources from which teachers report learning effective reading instruction practices

Note: Survey question: “Where have you learned the most about effective practices for teaching children?” Question is based on a similar question from a 2019 survey by Education Week.

“College never taught me how to teach kids how to read. Every year, I continued to see the same results, and they were not the results I wanted for my kiddos. ... Through the LETRS training … I am seeing great results already this year with the modifications I have implemented.”

“LETRS training was amazing!!! Wish I would have learned that in college.”

Finding 2c. Teachers who have completed popular professional development courses know more about the science of reading.

In general, the more emphasis a teacher’s recent professional development placed on the science of reading, the better that teacher scored on our science of reading quiz (Figure 16). Although it’s possible that teachers with higher preexisting knowledge of the science of reading are selecting into science of reading trainings, the most straightforward interpretation of this result is that science of reading–focused professional development tends to boost teachers’ knowledge of the science of reading.

Figure 16. Teachers who have received more science of reading–aligned professional development know more about the science of reading.

Figure 16. Relationship between science of reading professional development and teacher knowledge

Note: Survey question: “How much emphasis has your professional development put on the science of reading?” An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. Peach-colored bars (“None”) indicate the reference categories.

Notably, respondents who had completed the LETRS, UFLI Foundations, and/or Amplify CKLA (Core Knowledge Language Arts) trainings exhibited deeper knowledge of reading science than those who had had no professional development (“no PD”) related to the science of reading (Figure 17), as did those who had participated in any “state sponsored, SoR-aligned training.” As discussed below, it seems likely that the UFLI Foundations and Amplify CKLA results are at least partly attributable to the adoption of these curricula rather than the trainings that accompany them. However, this caveat does not apply to LETRS, which is not associated with any specific curriculum.

Figure 17. Teachers who have completed science of reading–aligned trainings know more about the topic.

Figure 17. Relationship between completion of science of reading training and teacher knowledge

Note: An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bar (“No PD”) indicates the reference category. Total points are out of 8.

Finding 2d. Teachers who rely on their preservice preparation know less about the science of reading.

Overall, the results suggest that teachers who rely most heavily on the science of reading instruction provided by their preservice programs tend to have substandard knowledge of the science of reading. For example, teachers who cited their preservice teacher preparation program as the place where they learned the most about effective reading practices exhibited less knowledge of the science of reading than any other group (Figure 18).

Figure 18. Teachers who cite their preservice preparation program as their primary influence know less about the science of reading than those who cite other influences.

Figure 18. Teacher knowledge of reading science by primary source of learning

Note: Survey question: “Where have you learned the most about effective practices for teaching children to read?” An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bars (“Preservice preparation”) indicate the reference categories.

Moreover, teachers who reported that their preservice preparation programs had emphasized the science of reading exhibited less knowledge of reading science (Figure 19). In other words, there is some evidence that preservice preparation programs are detrimental to teachers’ understanding—or at least that teachers who think these programs taught them about the “science of reading” don’t really understand what that science says.[11]

Figure 19. Teachers who say their preservice preparation program emphasized the science of reading know less about it.

Figure 19. Teachers who say their preservice preparation program emphasized the science of reading know less about it.

Note: Survey question: “How much emphasis did your preservice program put on the science of reading?” An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bars (“None”) indicate the reference categories.

Finding 3 Teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests know more about the science of reading.

Of the 18 state policies that ExcelinEd tracks, only one—“Educator Preparation Program (EPP) Assessment”—is associated with a significantly deeper understanding of the science of reading as measured by our survey. Other policies, such as three-cueing bans and third-grade retention, are not significantly related to teachers’ knowledge—though because of the correlational nature of the results, that does not mean that they are ineffective (see Do third grade reading guarantees work?).

According to ExcelinEd, a strong EPP policy is one that “align[s] initial candidate licensure tests to the science of reading and evidence-based instructional practices,” thus providing “an efficient and comprehensive way for teachers to demonstrate they possess the knowledge and skills needed to teach students to read.” Teachers in states that have strong EPP policy scored a half-point higher overall on our science of reading “quiz” (Figure 20).

Figure 20. Teachers in states with science of reading–aligned licensure tests know more about the science of reading.

Figure 20. Teacher knowledge of reading science by state licensure test alignment

Note: An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bars (“Not adopted”) indicate the reference categories.

Do third grade reading guarantees work?

A growing body of research suggests that literacy-based retention policies, such as “third-grade reading guarantees,” can have a positive effect on student achievement, at least when they serve as a catalyst for focused interventions such as additional instructional time, tutoring, and other academic supports.[12] Still, even the most aggressive retention policies include numerous exceptions, which may provide parents and practitioners who oppose retention with the requisite cover.

Of the 54 percent in our survey who said they were familiar with their state’s grade retention policies, roughly a quarter said the policies had had a positive impact on students, about the same proportion who said they had had a negative impact, and the rest said these policies had had little impact “because everyone knows most students won’t really be retained” (Figure 21). In other words, about three-quarters of teachers either indicated that they were unfamiliar with their state’s retention policies or said that they had had little practical effect.

Figure 21. Many teachers say there is less to their state’s grade retention policies than meets the eye.

Figure 21. Teachers’ views on state grade retention policies

Note: Survey question: “Which statement best reflects your view of your state’s grade retention policies?”

Finding 4 Some reading/literacy curricula that science of reading advocates have criticized remain popular with teachers.

Our survey presented teachers with a list of 57 commonly used reading/literacy curricula and asked them to identify whether they used each as a primary, supplementary, or intervention curriculum. Teachers were instructed to select all that apply. And consistent with prior research, 93 percent chose multiple curricula, with 8 percent saying they used ten or more curricula (Figure 22).

Figure 22. More than 90 percent of K–3 teachers say they use multiple reading curricula.

Figure 22. More than 90 percent of K–3 teachers say they use multiple reading curricula.

Per Figure 23, the single most popular curriculum is UFLI Foundations (38 percent), followed by i-Ready Reading (33 percent) and Heggerty’s Bridge to Reading (31 percent).

Figure 23. The most popular reading curriculum among K–3 teachers is UFLI Foundations.

Figure 23. Most commonly used reading curricula among K–3 teachers

Note: Survey question: “Please select the 2–3 instructional materials in each row and column that you rely on to teach ELA skills.”

Encouragingly, teachers who reported using UFLI Foundations scored significantly higher on our science of reading quiz than the rest of the sample, as did teachers who reported using Amplify CKLA (Figure 24). In contrast, teachers who reported using i-Ready Reading, Benchmark Advance or Literacy, or Fountas & Pinnell scored below average.

Figure 24. Teachers who use UFLI Foundations and/or Amplify CKLA have more knowledge of reading science, while those who use i-Ready, Benchmark, and/or Fountas & Pinnell have less knowledge.

Figure 24. Teacher knowledge of reading science by curriculum used

Note: An asterisk indicates a difference that is statistically significant at the 95 percent confidence level. The peach-colored bar indicates the reference category (“Overall Average”).

In general, these relationships are consistent with reading experts’ perceptions of the curricula in question. For example, UFLI Foundations is generally well regarded by reading experts, whereas Fountas & Pinnell has been criticized. Still, it’s important to recognize that these relationships are correlational.

Possibly, using UFLI Foundations and Amplify CKLA increases teachers’ knowledge of the science of reading. However, it could be that teachers with greater preexisting knowledge of reading science are more likely to use these curricula. Or perhaps, seeing as both curricula tend to be packaged with professional development that bears their names, it is the combination of professional development and access to an aligned curriculum that boosts teachers’ knowledge.

Recommendations

1. Require colleges of education and other teacher preparation programs to provide instruction aligned to the science of reading.

Perhaps nothing would have a bigger impact on the quality of reading instruction than improving preservice preparation. But unfortunately, colleges of education have developed a reputation for dragging their feet on this topic, and many continue to teach discredited practices such as three-cueing. To push them in the right direction, states should consider setting explicit instructional standards, inviting or requiring faculty members to participate in state-sponsored professional development, developing model courses on the science of reading, conducting periodic reviews of reading coursework and syllabi, and requiring institutions to publish their graduates’ first-time pass rates on state science of reading licensure exams.

2. Require new K–3 teachers to pass licensure exams that include comprehensive knowledge of the latest reading science.

Given the difficulty of achieving high-quality preservice preparation at scale, a strong licensure exam is critical to upholding standards of knowledge for new teachers and holding teacher preparation programs accountable for their treatment of reading science. Too often, professional development that is focused on the science of reading compensates for a lack of understanding among novice teachers. But our results suggest that a comprehensive licensure exam can improve novice teachers’ baseline understanding.

3. Require every K–3 teacher to complete at least one science of reading training in their first two to three years on the job.

Numerous science of reading–aligned teacher trainings are now available to districts and states that are looking to boost their teachers’ understanding. Although we haven’t examined the content of these trainings, our analysis shows that teachers who complete LETRS, UFLI Foundations, or Amplify CKLA have a clearer grasp of reading science than the rest of the sample, as do those who complete state-sponsored trainings (though we aren’t in a position to endorse specific states’ professional development–related choices).

4. Require districts to adopt a science of reading–aligned K–3 curriculum of their choosing from a state-approved list.

Like the other levers that policymakers can pull, this one doesn't work perfectly. Still, it makes sense for state departments of education to curate a list of curricula that are fully aligned with the science of reading yet diverse enough to fit the needs of all their students (including English learners and students with dyslexia). As noted, our results indicate that use of UFLI Foundations and/or Amplify CKLA is associated with deeper knowledge of reading science, whereas use of i-Ready, Benchmark, and/or Fountas & Pinnell is associated with less knowledge. But of course, it is important for researchers and states to regularly assess the content of these and other curricula directly.

Conclusion

The results suggest at least two related takeaways.

First, K–3 teachers’ knowledge of the science of reading is improving. Indeed, nearly all teachers said they had received at least some science of reading–focused professional development in the previous two to three years, and most had taken at least one nationally recognized science of reading–aligned training. Moreover, most teachers also said their professional development had been useful. Importantly, those who had received more science of reading–aligned professional development exhibited better knowledge of and commitment to the science of reading than other teachers, as did those who reported using science of reading–aligned curricula and those in states with strong science of reading–aligned licensure exams. In short, attempts to boost teachers’ knowledge of and commitment to reading science are working.

Yet there remains an urgent need for further improvement. After all, despite everything that has been said and written in the past few years, nearly a third of teachers still put phonics and cueing on equal footing, at least as many still seem to think of reading comprehension as a generalizable skill, and some are still using questionable reading/literacy curricula. Moreover, despite the progress that has been made in some locations, teachers in high-poverty, majority-nonwhite schools are still, on average, less informed about and committed to basic principles of reading science than teachers in whiter and/or more affluent settings.

In short, it is still far too soon to declare victory—and of course, we cannot accept defeat.

Appendices

Appendix A: Science of Reading Survey

We welcome future scholarly use of this instrument. Researchers who reproduce or adapt these survey items should cite this report as the original source.

Welcome to the science of reading survey.

Thank you for participating in the American Teacher Panel. This survey focuses on K–3 reading instruction and policy.

If you have responded to previous surveys, some items may look familiar. We are trying to understand whether your perceptions have changed over time, so please answer the items again.

If you are unsure about a question, please respond in a manner that most closely reflects your experiences. As a teacher, your careful and honest responses are critical to helping us better understand the instructional materials you use and how your school system supports your instruction.

This survey takes about 10 minutes to complete and you will receive $10 for your participation.

Please note that you must click the link titled “Click Here to Receive Your Gift Code” on the final page for your survey to be considered complete and to receive the gift code.

Tips for taking this survey:

We recommend completing this survey on a desktop or laptop for best viewing (not on a mobile device).

Please use only the on-screen “Next >>” and “Back” buttons to navigate the survey rather than using your browser’s back button or hitting Enter. You may find that the system slows down at times. We appreciate your patience in waiting for questions to load.

If you run into problems or have questions when completing the survey, please contact the American Teacher Panel helpdesk at [email protected] or 1-833-634-1533.

If you have questions about this study or your rights as a research participant, please contact the RAND Human Subjects Protection Committee toll-free at (866) 697-5620 or by email to [email protected]. When you contact the Committee, please reference Study 2021-N0159.

This school year (2025–26), what grade(s) do you teach?

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ Pre-K
  • ☐ Kindergarten
  • ☐ 1st
  • ☐ 2nd
  • ☐ 3rd
  • ☐ 4th
  • ☐ 5th
  • ☐ 6th
  • ☐ 7th
  • ☐ 8th
  • ☐ 9th
  • ☐ 10th
  • ☐ 11th
  • ☐ 12th
  • ☐ Ungraded
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

This school year (2025–26), in what subject is your MAIN teaching assignment (the subject in which you teach the most classes)?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Elementary Education (including Pre-K)
  • ☐ Special Education
  • ☐ Arts and Music
  • ☐ English and Language Arts (including English, language arts, reading, literature, writing, speech, etc.)
  • ☐ English as a Second Language (ESL)
  • ☐ Foreign Languages
  • ☐ Health Education
  • ☐ Mathematics (including general mathematics, algebra, geometry, calculus, etc.)
  • ☐ Computer Science
  • ☐ Natural Sciences (including general science, biology, chemistry, physics, etc.)
  • ☐ Social Sciences (including social studies, geography, history, government/civics, etc.)
  • ☐ Career or Technical Education
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

Please indicate what subjects you teach as part of your elementary education or Pre-K teaching assignment this school year (2025–26).

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ Special Education
  • ☐ Arts and Music
  • ☐ English and Language Arts (including English, language arts, reading, literature, writing, speech, etc.)
  • ☐ English as a Second Language (ESL)
  • ☐ Foreign Languages
  • ☐ Health Education
  • ☐ Mathematics (including general mathematics, algebra, geometry, calculus, etc.)
  • ☐ Computer Science
  • ☐ Natural Sciences (including general science, biology, chemistry, physics, etc.)
  • ☐ Social Sciences (including social studies, geography, history, government/civics, etc.)
  • ☐ Career or Technical Education
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

Please indicate what subjects you teach as part of your special education teaching assignment this school year (2025–26).

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ N/A – I do not teach other subjects
  • ☐ Arts and Music
  • ☐ English and Language Arts (including English, language arts, reading, literature, writing, speech, etc.)
  • ☐ English as a Second Language (ESL)
  • ☐ Foreign Languages
  • ☐ Health Education
  • ☐ Mathematics (including general mathematics, algebra, geometry, calculus, etc.)
  • ☐ Computer Science
  • ☐ Natural Sciences (including general science, biology, chemistry, physics, etc.)
  • ☐ Social Sciences (including social studies, geography, history, government/civics, etc.)
  • ☐ Career or Technical Education
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

Please indicate any other subject(s) you teach as part of your regular teaching assignment this school year (2025–26).

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ N/A – I do not teach other subjects
  • ☐ Special Education
  • ☐ Arts and Music
  • ☐ English and Language Arts (including English, language arts, reading, literature, writing, speech, etc.)
  • ☐ English as a Second Language (ESL)
  • ☐ Foreign Languages
  • ☐ Health Education
  • ☐ Mathematics (including general mathematics, algebra, geometry, calculus, etc.)
  • ☐ Computer Science
  • ☐ Natural Sciences (including general science, biology, chemistry, physics, etc.)
  • ☐ Social Sciences (including social studies, geography, history, government/civics, etc.)
  • ☐ Career or Technical Education
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

Section A1: Student & Teacher Characteristics

What is your primary role this school year?

Select one response.

  • ☐ I teach a self-contained general education class. (I teach all core subjects to the same group of students.)
  • ☐ I teach ELA or literacy (departmentalized model)
  • ☐ I teach math and science (departmentalized model)
  • ☐ I am a special education teacher
  • ☐ Other (please specify): __________

Approximately how many students do you currently teach in a typical week?

Numeric response.

Of these students, approximately how many are…

  • English learners __________
  • Receiving special education services (IEP/504) __________
  • Students who have been held back at least once __________

Section A2: Classroom Practice

Which of the following best describes your approach to reading instruction?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Structured: systematic and explicit instruction in phonics, decoding, and related skills.
  • ☐ Balanced: a mix of phonics, leveled texts, and guided reading with cueing support.
  • ☐ Immersive: emphasis on literature-rich environments, read-alouds, and student choice.
  • ☐ Eclectic: a variety of instructional approaches depending on the needs of the student.

Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Phonics
  • ☐ Cueing
  • ☐ Both equally
  • ☐ Neither

On a scale of 1 to 5, how comfortable do you feel teaching each of the following?

Select one response in each row.

  1
Not at all
2
Slightly
3
Moderately
4
Very
5
Extremely
Phonemic/Phonological awareness ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
Phonics ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
Vocabulary ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
Reading comprehension ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
Students who are English learners ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
Students with learning differences (e.g., dyslexia) ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

Which statement do you agree with more?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Reading comprehension depends on a set of generalizable skills (like finding the main idea and making inferences) that can be applied to most texts.
  • ☐ Reading comprehension depends on what students already know about the topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text.

Which statement do you agree with more?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Elementary curricula should take a systematic approach to subjects like history and science to ensure consistent knowledge-building.
  • ☐ Elementary curricula should give students opportunities to explore a wide range of history and science topics that spark their interest and engagement.

In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to build vocabulary?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Assigning weekly word lists for memorization and assessment
  • ☐ Encouraging students to read age-appropriate fiction independently
  • ☐ Embedding explicit vocabulary instruction in content-rich nonfictional texts
  • ☐ Teaching students to use context clues to infer the meaning of unfamiliar words

In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to improve reading comprehension?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Using leveled texts that are matched to students’ reading levels
  • ☐ Teaching students how to identify the main idea and supporting details
  • ☐ Providing content-rich instruction to build background knowledge across subjects
  • ☐ Encouraging students to read independently on a regular basis (e.g., Sustained Silent Reading)

A student in your class is having trouble reading an unfamiliar word during small-group instruction. In your opinion, what should a teacher do first?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Model correct pronunciation and prompt the student to reread the sentence
  • ☐ Ask the student what word would make sense in the context of the sentence
  • ☐ Help the student break the word into parts to identify syllables or phonics patterns
  • ☐ Allow the student to keep reading and return to the word later to support fluency

In your opinion, which of the following are effective ways to meet the needs of English learners?

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ Building vocabulary through conversation and read alouds
  • ☐ Using visuals and oral explanations to support comprehension
  • ☐ Delaying explicit phonics instruction until oral English proficiency is strong
  • ☐ Avoiding academic language and syntax until students achieve conversational fluency

Based on your understanding of the condition, which of the following claims about dyslexia are accurate?

Select all that apply.

Students with dyslexia…

  • ☐ Do not typically benefit from explicit phonics instruction
  • ☐ Often struggle with decoding despite strong oral language skills
  • ☐ Often have difficulty identifying and manipulating the sounds in words
  • ☐ Have difficulty reading because they confuse or reverse letters and words

Section A3: Policy

Please select the 2-3 instructional materials in each row and column that you rely on to teach ELA skills, if any.

Select 2-3 instructional materials in each row and column.

  Primary Core Program
(if any)
Supplemental Program/Material
(if any)
Intervention Program/Material
(if any)
All About Reading ☐ ☐ ☐
ARC Core (American Reading Company) ☐ ☐ ☐
Benchmark Advance or Literacy ☐ ☐ ☐
Bookworms (Comprehensive Reading Solutions or Open Up Resources) ☐ ☐ ☐
Bridge to Reading (Heggerty) ☐ ☐ ☐
EL Education ☐ ☐ ☐
Calvert Learning (Edmentum) ☐ ☐ ☐
Collaborative Literacy (Center for Collaborative Classroom) ☐ ☐ ☐
CommonLit ☐ ☐ ☐
Core Knowledge Language Arts (CKLA) (Amplify) ☐ ☐ ☐
Core Knowledge Language Arts (CKLA) (Core Knowledge) ☐ ☐ ☐
EL Education or Expeditionary Learning (Open Up Resources, EL Education, or Imagine Learning, formerly LearnZillion) ☐ ☐ ☐
Engage NY (NYSED) ☐ ☐ ☐
English Language Arts Guidebook Units (Imagine Learning, formerly LearnZillion) ☐ ☐ ☐
Fast ForWord ☐ ☐ ☐
FishTank (William H. Sadlier, Inc) ☐ ☐ ☐
Foundations A-Z (Learning A-Z) ☐ ☐ ☐
Fountas and Pinnell (Heineman) ☐ ☐ ☐
From Phonics to Reading ☐ ☐ ☐
Fundations (Wilson Language Training) ☐ ☐ ☐
Geodes ☐ ☐ ☐
Great Leaps ☐ ☐ ☐
Into Reading (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt) ☐ ☐ ☐
i-Ready ☐ ☐ ☐
Jolly Phonics (Jolly Learning, LTD) ☐ ☐ ☐
Journeys (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt) ☐ ☐ ☐
Lexia ☐ ☐ ☐
Lindamood Phoneme Sequencing (LiPS) ☐ ☐ ☐
Lucy Calkins Units of Study or Teacher's College Reading and Writing Project – 2018 ☐ ☐ ☐
Revised Lucy Calkins Units of Study or Teacher's College Reading and Writing Project – 2022 ☐ ☐ ☐
Magnetic Reading (i-Ready + Curriculum Associates) ☐ ☐ ☐
MyView Literacy (Savvas) ☐ ☐ ☐
Open Court Reading (McGraw-Hill Education) ☐ ☐ ☐
Open Court Reading Foundational Skills Kits (McGraw-Hill Education) ☐ ☐ ☐
Orton-Gillingham (OG) ☐ ☐ ☐
Pathways to Reading ☐ ☐ ☐
Peer Assisted Learning Strategies (PALS) ☐ ☐ ☐
Phonics First ☐ ☐ ☐
Reading Horizons Discovery ☐ ☐ ☐
Reading Street Common Core (Savvas Learning Company, formerly Pearson) ☐ ☐ ☐
Read Naturally ☐ ☐ ☐
Reading Wonders (McGraw-Hill Education) ☐ ☐ ☐
ReadyGEN (Savvas Learning Company, formerly Pearson) ☐ ☐ ☐
Ready Reading (Curriculum Associates) ☐ ☐ ☐
Reach for Reading (National Geographic Learning, Cengage) ☐ ☐ ☐
Really Great Reading [Launchpad, Countdown, Blast, or HD Word] ☐ ☐ ☐
Savvas Essentials: Foundational Reading ☐ ☐ ☐
Saxon Phonics and Spelling (Houghton Mifflin Harcourt) ☐ ☐ ☐
SRA Reading Mastery Transformations (McGraw-Hill) ☐ ☐ ☐
Success For All ☐ ☐ ☐
Superkids (Zaner-Bloser) ☐ ☐ ☐
SPIRE The Fountas & Pinnell Classroom (Heinemann) ☐ ☐ ☐
Treasures (Macmillan/McGraw-Hill) ☐ ☐ ☐
UFLI Foundations (University of Florida Literacy Institute) ☐ ☐ ☐
Wilson Reading System ☐ ☐ ☐
Wit & Wisdom (Great Minds) ☐ ☐ ☐
95 Phonics Core Program ☐ ☐ ☐
Unpublished materials developed by the district ☐ ☐ ☐
Unpublished materials developed by the school ☐ ☐ ☐
Unpublished materials developed by the teacher ☐ ☐ ☐
Other published materials (Please specify below) ☐ ☐ ☐

Which of the following science of reading–aligned trainings have you completed in the last 2-3 years?

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ LETRS (Language Essentials for Teachers of Reading and Spelling)
  • ☐ IMSE Orton-Gillingham (any variation, level, or certification)
  • ☐ 95 Percent Group (Top 10 Tools)
  • ☐ Fundations (Wilson Reading System)
  • ☐ Keys to Literacy
  • ☐ Lindamood-Bell
  • ☐ Heggerty Phonemic Awareness
  • ☐ Really Great Reading (e.g., HD Word, Blast Foundations)
  • ☐ UFLI (University of Florida Literacy Institute)
  • ☐ Core Knowledge Language Arts (CKLA)
  • ☐ State-sponsored SoR-aligned training (e.g., PD from your state DOE)
  • ☐ Other training you believe is SoR-aligned (please specify): ________
  • ☐ I have not participated in any of these.

What types of reading/literacy instructional support have you received in the past 2–3 years?

Select all that apply.

  • ☐ Professional learning sessions or workshops
  • ☐ Modeling of lessons (e.g., demonstration teaching)
  • ☐ Classroom observation with feedback
  • ☐ Instructional coaching or mentoring
  • ☐ Support with implementing a new reading/literacy curriculum or programs
  • ☐ Collaboration with peers or PLCs (Professional Learning Communities)
  • ☐ Other (please specify): _________
  • ☐ I have not received any reading/literacy instructional support

Overall, how much emphasis has your professional development put on each of the following reading-related topics in the past 2-3 years?

Select one response in each row.

  A lot Some A little None I don’t remember
1 The science of reading ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
2 Oral language development ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
3 Phonemic/Phonological awareness ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
4 Phonics ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
5 Vocabulary ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
6 Reading comprehension ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
7 Content/Background knowledge ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
8 High-quality reading curricula/instructional materials ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
9 Supports for English learners ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
10 Supports for students with IEPs and/or learning differences (e.g., dyslexia) ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

On a scale of 1 to 5, how useful has the professional development you’ve received in the last 2-3 years been when it comes to helping students learn to read?

Select one response.

  • ☐ 1 Not at all
  • ☐ 2 Slightly
  • ☐ 3 Moderately
  • ☐ 4 Very
  • ☐ 5 Extremely

How much emphasis did your preservice teacher preparation program put on the following topics?

Select one response in each row.

  A lot Some A little None I don’t remember
1 The science of reading ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
2 Oral language development ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
3 Phonemic/phonological awareness ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
4 Phonics ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
5 Vocabulary ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
6 Reading comprehension ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
7 Content/background knowledge ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
8 High-quality reading curricula/instructional materials ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
9 Supports for English learners ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐
10 Supports for students with IEPs and/or learning differences (e.g., dyslexia) ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐ ☐

Where have you learned the most about effective practices for teaching children to read—practices you actually use in your classroom?

Select one response.

  • ☐ My preservice teacher preparation program
  • ☐ In-service professional development (e.g., workshops, professional learning communities)
  • ☐ My reading/literacy coach
  • ☐ My school’s ELA curriculum or publisher-provided training
  • ☐ My own research (e.g., books, articles, podcasts, Google, ChatGPT)
  • ☐ Other educators (e.g., mentors, colleagues, grade-level teams)
  • ☐ On the job experiences with students
  • ☐ Other (please specify): _________

Are you familiar with your state’s policies on grade retention (e.g., for struggling third-grade readers)?

Select one response.

  • ☐ Yes
  • ☐ No
  • ☐ Not sure

Which statement best reflects your view of your state’s grade retention policies?

Select one response.

  • ☐ These policies have a positive impact because struggling readers get more attention and support.
  • ☐ These policies have a negative impact because they harm struggling readers’ motivation and morale.
  • ☐ These policies don’t have much impact because everyone knows most students won’t really be retained.

Final thoughts

In your own words, please describe the most significant changes in early reading or ELA instruction that you have experienced in recent years.

Open text box.

Appendix B: Science of Reading “Quiz”

Part 1: Decoding (3 points)

Q1. Which of the following best describes your approach to reading instruction?

  • 01 Structured: systematic and explicit instruction in phonics, decoding, and related skills.
  • 02 Balanced: a mix of phonics, leveled texts, and guided reading with cueing support.
  • 03 Immersive: emphasis on literature-rich environments, read-alouds, and student choice.
  • 04 Eclectic: a variety of instructional approaches depending on the needs of the student.

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Structured” and 0 points for any other response.

Q2. Do you generally favor the use of phonics (i.e., encouraging students to sound out words) or cueing (i.e., encouraging students to use context clues) when teaching?

  • 01 Phonics
  • 02 Cueing
  • 03 Both equally
  • 04 Neither

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Phonics,” 0 points for selecting “Both equally,” and -1 point for selecting “Cueing.”

Q3. A student in your class is having trouble reading an unfamiliar word during small-group instruction. In your opinion, what should a teacher do first?

  • 01 Model correct pronunciation and prompt the student to reread the sentence
  • 02 Ask the student what word would make sense in the context of the sentence
  • 03 Help the student break the word into parts to identify syllables or phonics patterns
  • 04 Allow the student to keep reading and return to the word later to support fluency

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Help the student break the word into parts to identify syllables or phonics patterns” and 0 points for any other response.

Part 2: Reading Comprehension (3 points)

Q4. Which statement do you agree with more?

  • 01 Reading comprehension depends on a set of generalizable skills (like finding the main idea and making inferences) that can be applied to most texts.
  • 02 Reading comprehension depends on what students already know about the topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text.

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Reading comprehension depends on what students already know about the topic and the specific vocabulary used in a text” and 0 points for any other response.

Q5. In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to build vocabulary?

  • 01 Assigning weekly word lists for memorization and assessment
  • 02 Encouraging students to read age-appropriate fiction independently
  • 03 Embedding explicit vocabulary instruction in content-rich nonfictional texts
  • 04 Teaching students to use context clues to infer the meaning of unfamiliar words

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Embedding explicit vocabulary instruction in content-rich nonfictional texts” and 0 points for any other response.

Q6. In your opinion, which of the following is the best way to improve reading comprehension?

  • 01 Using leveled texts that are matched to students’ reading levels
  • 02 Teaching students how to identify the main idea and supporting details
  • 03 Providing content-rich instruction to build background knowledge across subjects
  • 04 Encouraging students to read independently on a regular basis (e.g., Sustained Silent Reading)

Teachers got 1 point for selecting “Providing content-rich instruction to build background knowledge across subjects” and 0 points for any other response.

Part 3: English Learners (1 point)

Q7. In your opinion, which of the following are effective ways to meet the needs of English learners? (SELECT ALL THAT APPLY)

  • 01 Building vocabulary through conversation and read alouds
  • 02 Using visuals and oral explanations to support comprehension
  • 03 Delaying explicit phonics instruction until oral English proficiency is strong
  • 04 Avoiding academic language and syntax until students achieve conversational fluency

Teachers got 1 point for selecting only the correct responses (items 01 and 02) and 0 points otherwise.

Part 4: Dyslexia (1 point)

Q8. Based on your understanding of the condition, which of the following claims about dyslexia are accurate? (SELECT ALL THAT APPLY)

Students with dyslexia…

  • 01 Do not typically benefit from explicit phonics instruction
  • 02 Often struggle with decoding despite strong oral language skills
  • 03 Often have difficulty identifying and manipulating the sounds in words
  • 04 Have difficulty reading because they confuse or reverse letters and words

Teachers got 1 point for selecting only the correct responses (items 02 and 03) and 0 points otherwise.

Appendix C: ExcelinEd State Literacy Policies

To examine the policy environment in which teachers work, survey data were merged with policy indicators from the ExcelinEd Early Literacy Matters initiative. This data set tracks state adoption of 18 policies aligned with the science of reading, including requirements for science of reading–related professional development, restrictions on three-cueing, and guidance on high-quality instructional materials.

We made only one adjustment to ExcelinEd’s categories (listed in Table C1): All states that have implemented an initial determinant retention at third grade based on a state assessment also have multiple routes to promotion and a good-cause exemption for some students. Because these policies perfectly overlapped, we collapsed all three into a simple indicator for whether states have used assessments to retain students in third grade.

Table C1: Fundamental Principles of Early Literacy

  Category name Description Number of implementing states
(full or partial)
1 Science of Reading Training States, districts, and individual schools should establish the science of reading as the common language for literacy instruction and then provide training to teachers to build their capacity to teach the foundational skills that all students need to become skilled readers.

ExcelinEd’s Science of Reading Professional Learning Rubric is designed to assist state education agencies (SEAs) in their evaluation and selection of professional learning grounded in the science of reading. This rubric is intended for use by evaluators who have completed in-depth professional learning in the science of reading and have experience applying this knowledge in the classroom. As a result, SEAs can make informed decisions about the best professional learning providers for educators in their states.
44
2 Literacy/Reading Coaches Literacy coaches are an important support mechanism for teachers in the classroom because they work directly with teachers to improve classroom practice and, ultimately, student reading achievement schoolwide. 29
3 Educator Preparation Program (EPP) Alignment Aligning teacher preparation programs to the science of reading ensures that elementary school, early childhood, and special education educators licensed in a state have been provided with a strong foundation in evidence-based literacy instruction. 45
4 EPP Assessment Aligning initial candidate licensure tests to the science of reading and evidence-based instructional practices is an efficient and comprehensive way for teachers to demonstrate that they possess the knowledge and skills needed to teach students to read. 33
5 Funding for Literacy Efforts The primary grades are the least expensive and most timely opportunity to ensure every student is a successful reader. States should look for ways to reprioritize existing local, state, and federal funds to support reading instruction and intervention statewide. 45
6 Universal Reading Screener An approved universal screener administered three times per year is a key step to identifying students who are at risk for reading difficulties, including dyslexia. 43
7 Screener for Characteristics of Dyslexia For early interventions to target areas of need, a student must be identified as being at risk for a reading difficulty, including having characteristics consistent with someone who has dyslexia. 38
8 Parental Notification Parents should be notified immediately if their children have been identified as having reading deficiencies. As trusted partners, parents need to be part of instructional decisions for their children and be provided with support on how to help their children with literacy at home. 42
9 District Adoption of High-Quality Instructional Materials The materials that districts choose for reading instruction affect student learning and teacher practice. High-quality instructional materials aligned to the science of reading and the respective state standards give teachers access to high-quality content and assignments. 42
10 Eliminating Three-Cueing Instructional Materials Three-cueing is a flawed practice that teaches students to read based on meaning, structure and syntax, and visual cues (MSV). This instructional model should be eliminated from curricula because it encourages students to guess, not sound out, words they do not know based on pictures or what they think might make sense given the context of the sentence. 20
11 Individualized Reading Plans Students who have reading deficiencies should have individualized reading plans created for them. Each plan should include intervention services the student will receive and strategies for the child’s parents to use at home. 32
12 Regularly Monitor Student Progress Progress monitoring helps teachers track a student’s progress in reading and adjust instruction to meet the student’s needs in a timely manner. Monitoring can take many forms and can be embedded in classroom instruction. 47
13 Evidence-Based Interventions Interventions grounded in the science of reading should begin by targeting each student’s lowest-deficit skill as identified by data. 40
14 Summer Reading Camps Reading skills being lost during the summer slows progress toward reading proficiency by the end of third grade. Children in low-income families lose one to three months’ worth of reading skills each summer. Reading camps can both remediate learning loss and build skills at the same time. 20
15 Parent Read-at-Home Plans Read-at-home plans help families support their children’s literacy skills at home and are often included in individualized reading plans (IRPs). As soon as a student is identified as having a reading deficiency, a read-at-home plan should be provided to the student’s parents, and the parents of students who may face retention in third grade should also get read-at-home plans. 35
16 Initial Determinant Retention at Third Grade Based on a State Assessment A student who is unable to demonstrate sufficient reading skills on a state test—and does not meet a good-cause exemption—should be retained. 18
17 Multiple Options for Promotion The state offers at least three pathways for promotion to fourth grade, including achieving a predetermined level on the state reading assessment, passing an alternative assessment or retest, and successfully demonstrating sufficient third-grade reading skills through a portfolio of student work. 20
18 Good-Cause Exemptions for Some Students Most students with disabilities and English language learners should be able to read on grade level if provided with effective instruction and specialized support. However, there should be good-cause exemptions that recognize the special needs of some students with disabilities, English language learners, and students who were previously retained. 18

Appendix D: Analytic Approach

The report relies primarily on descriptive statistics to summarize teachers’ responses and knowledge levels. Survey weights were applied to produce nationally representative estimates.

To examine relationships between teachers’ knowledge of the science of reading and potential explanatory factors—including professional development, instructional materials, and state policies—we estimated simple bivariate correlations and regression models. These analyses were used to identify associations between teachers’ quiz scores and exposure to specific supports or policy environments. Because the analyses are observational and largely cross-sectional, the results should be interpreted as associational rather than causal.

All regressions are ordinary least squares estimates predicting respondents’ scores on our science of reading quiz, which range from zero to eight and fall on a normal distribution (see Figure D1). Each regression was calculated using heteroskedastic-robust standard errors. Estimates of significance were all calculated using a probability value cutoff of 0.05, and all confidence intervals are at the 95 percent level.

Figure D1. Distribution of Science of Reading Quiz Scores

Figure D1. Distribution of science of reading quiz scores

Endnotes

[1] Compared with their white colleagues, teachers of color are more likely to report using these same curricula: i-Ready (45 percent versus 29 percent), Fountas & Pinnell (21 percent versus 15 percent), and Benchmark Advance (24 percent versus 18 percent).

[2] For the sake of readers who are unfamiliar with the Simple View of Reading, we use “reading comprehension” to describe what the Simple View of Reading refers to as “language comprehension.”

[3] Specifically, the sample closely matches national benchmarks on key characteristics, including teachers’ gender, race/ethnicity, and years of experience, as well as their schools’ urbanicity, their student bodies’ racial/ethnic compositions, and their schools’ neighborhood poverty levels (measured by income-to-poverty ratio categories).

[4] The classic formula, first proposed by Gough and Tunmer (1986), defines reading comprehension (R) as the product of decoding (D) and language comprehension (C): R = D × C. In this formulation, “language comprehension” refers to understanding spoken language (e.g., vocabulary, background knowledge, and syntax), separate from decoding print. However, in our survey of teachers, we used the more familiar term “reading comprehension.” Although this reflects common usage, it is technically imprecise; the original model distinguishes between understanding language and decoding text, both of which are necessary for reading comprehension.

[5] Literacy Map - EarlyLiteracyMatters. (2024, February 21). EarlyLiteracyMatters. https://earlyliteracymatters.org/literacy-map

[6] In the ExcelinEd documentation, every state that implemented an “initial determinant for retention at third grade based on a state assessment” also had “multiple options for promotion” and “good-cause exemptions for some students” related to third-grade retention. Because the latter two also only applied to states rated as having implemented the former, we combined these categories to indicate “full implementation of a third-grade retention system.”

[7] According to ExcelinEd’s definitions, “full implementation” is when “the fundamental principle is adopted in policy and there is evidence of full implementation”; “partial implementation” is when “the fundamental principle is not adopted in policy, does not meet minimum implementation requirements, or is grant-based and not sustainable.” “Principle not adopted” was defined as “the fundamental principle is not adopted in policy, does not meet minimum implementation requirements, or is grant-based and not sustainable”; “future implementation,” which we treated as identical to “principle not adopted,” is when “the fundamental principle is adopted in policy with a future date for implementation.”

[8] Chetty, Raj, John N. Friedman, and Jonah E. Rockoff. “Measuring the impacts of teachers II: Teacher value-added and student outcomes in adulthood.” American Economic Review 104.9 (2014): 2633–2679.

[9] Jackson, C. Kirabo, Rucker C. Johnson, and Claudia Persico. The effects of school spending on educational and economic outcomes: Evidence from school finance reforms. No. w20847. National Bureau of Economic Research, 2015.

[10] The state-sponsored category should be interpreted with caution, as teachers in this category may have taken a branded course without knowing its name.

[11] Because only current teachers are included in the survey, this finding does not reflect the most recent pushes to reform college of education literacy instruction, such as those taking place in Indiana, Ohio, and California.

[12] Berne, Jordan S., Brian A. Jacob, Christina Weiland, and Katharine O. Strunk. The Impacts of Grade Retention Policy with Minimal Retention. NBER Working Paper no. 33764 (Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2025). https://www.nber.org/system/files/working_papers/w33764/w33764.pdf

About this Study

This report was made possible through funding from Oak Foundation and the Charles and Lynn Schusterman Family Philanthropies, as well as our sister organization, the Thomas B. Fordham Foundation. The efforts of numerous individuals are reflected in it, foremost among them the authors, David Griffith and Brian Fitzpatrick. External advisers Kelly Butler and Kim Benton provided clear and thoughtful feedback on the draft report. Here at Fordham, we thank Chester E. Finn, Jr., Michael J. Petrilli, and Amber M. Northern for providing feedback on the draft, Stephanie Distler for managing report production and design, and Victoria McDougald for overseeing media dissemination. The views expressed are those of the authors alone and do not necessarily reflect those of the foundations that supported this work. The Thomas B. Fordham Institute retains sole discretion over the content of this report.

Policy Priority:
Standards & Accountability
Cover of Fordham Institute report titled ‘From the Teacher’s Desk: A Science of Reading Progress Report,’ showing a notebook labeled ‘Reading’ and a pen on a classroom desk.
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