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The Education Gadfly
5.15.2026
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WHAT WE’RE READING

“Welcome to the life of a beta mother,” writes Rachel Wolfe. “After decades where the dominant expectation for high-achieving parents was to intensively helicopter, a new generation of moms is saying ‘enough.’” —The Wall Street Journal

––

“Roughly 76,000 fewer students enrolled in Texas public schools this academic year—the first non-pandemic decline in nearly four decades,” writes Jaden Edison in The Texas Tribune, with Hispanic students accounting for 81 percent of the drop. “What stands out in the data is that public school enrollment is falling even as Texas continues to grow,” said Carlo Castillo of Texas 2036. “In many parts of the state, population gains are no longer translating into public school enrollment growth. That points to a broader structural shift policymakers and district leaders will need to plan for.”

The Texas decline reflects nationwide demographic changes already driving budget shortfalls, layoffs, and school closures around the country, as reported in The New York Times last week. It’s time to follow Cleveland’s lead and prepare communities for the challenges ahead.


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

Click here to subscribe for:

  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

The Education Gadfly
5.15.2026
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CHEERS

“Seventeen- and 18-year-olds are expected to navigate an astoundingly complex labor market, often with little or no explicit guidance,” writes Lauren Weber, a problem compounded across rural America, “by a dearth of opportunities and professional role models.” She looks into rootEd Alliance, started by investment banker Byron Trott, that places college and career advisers in schools:

Advisers are agnostic on whether students choose college, military service, employment or trade school. The goal is for each senior to have a Plan A and ideally a Plan B. To get there, advisers organize visits to employers, pile students into vans for college tours and keep lists of local scholarships.

Most important, they say, they push students to think about the future.

—

New York Mayor Zohran Mamdani released an updated budget proposal scaling back an expensive teacher hiring spree tied to state-mandated class size reductions. The mayor—who campaigned on reducing class sizes—says the spending reduction reflects “an achievable plan that better serves both our students and our teachers.” —Alex Zimmerman and Michael Elsen-Rooney, Chalkbeat New York

—

Meanwhile, “Cleveland Metropolitan School District leaders made the case for why tough decisions on layoffs and building closures are necessary,” writes Conor Morris.Cheers to Cleveland officials for not only aggressively closing schools, but also showing leadership on the issue by communicating, communicating, communicating.—Ideastream Public Media

JEERS

Talia Richman reports on how some Maryland schools lower expectations for students with cognitive disabilities, setting children as young as kindergarteners on a pathway unlikely to lead to a high school diploma. In better news, the state department of education is pushing back, proposing guardrails to curb districts that have been overusing alternate assessments—which lead to a completion certificate rather than a diploma. —The Baltimore Banner

—

“The pandemic was the mudslide that had followed seven years of steady erosion in achievement,” Thomas Kane tells reporters covering the newly-released Education Scorecard. The results are indeed sobering, showing widespread reading declines across the country. Still, a few bright spots remain: math scores and absenteeism are improving post-pandemic. Chalkbeat’s Lily Altavena follows up with a look into how Detroit is outpacing similar districts through targeted reading interventions and building a culture of academic accountability.


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

Click here to subscribe for:

  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

Shaun M. Dougherty
5.14.2026
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A new report from the Thomas B. Fordham Institute, authored by Jay Plasman from The Ohio State University, estimates the value of earning industry-recognized credentials and certificates as part of high school CTE pathways. The top-line takeaway is that some of these credentials seem to offer a pretty hefty payoff in the workforce, even after accounting for the benefit of the CTE course-taking (and other variables) themselves. This study from Ohio is some of the best (and only) evidence to date on the economic value of some technical education that students can earn during high school.

Such credentials have been pitched as having the potential to help those who earn them have a smoother transition to the workforce, and the assumption has been that would include a pay premium. However, there isn’t much evidence on this count, despite substantial growth in the use of these credentials by states and districts that are hungry for available measures to satisfy requirements in accountability systems and meet student and parent demand for a measure of value.

These certifications have been in broad use for some time, but they are getting much more attention as policy shifts toward emphasizing career readiness and non-college pathways into the workforce. Importantly, at least one credential or certification is linked to almost every high school CTE program. And, other than basic course-taking numbers, there isn’t much in the way of data that is systematically collected or reported for CTE students in high school. As a result, for students in high school CTE programs who are not planning to go on to college, these certifications may be the only available metric beyond seat time that indicates career readiness.

So what do we learn from the Ohio analysis? Well, this study is among the first to show that credentials earned in high school can indeed lead to higher pay. Though the findings cannot be interpreted as demonstrating a cause-and-effect relationship, it does a thoughtful job of comparing students who were in similar CTE programs and schools and whose only clear difference was whether they earned the certificate or credential. Overall, Plasman finds that seven years after high school, credential earners in many areas were earning more than their otherwise similar peers who also completed coursework in the same CTE program. In particular, he finds returns of over 20 percent higher earnings for certificate holders in construction, transportation, and manufacturing, with smaller gains in IT, health, business, agriculture, engineering, and law/public safety. A handful of other certifications show that those who earn them are earning less seven years out.

Is this work really new? Yes, this work adds to a small literature that tries to estimate whether credentials earned in high school seem to pay off. This is important because there is not a lot of research evidence on this question. Earlier work using Texas data from Matt Giani showed that some credentials can offer workforce benefits in the form of higher pay in the short term. As with the Plasman report, there was a lot of variation in the potential value of these certificates across program content areas, with a few showing higher benefits and many showing zero or small negative differences in later earnings.

What’s interesting is that the Plasman and Giani studies align on showing benefits of transportation, health, construction, and IT certificates, but differ in the direction of earnings differences in areas like agriculture and business. We shouldn’t make too much of differences across the states because their economies and population trends are quite distinct. However, it is worth noting the areas where they find similar benefits of certificate earning. Two states don’t make a consensus, but in an area with limited evidence, this is worth noting.

Will earnings premiums persist as (former) students enter their late twenties and thirties? It’s too early to tell. What we really want to know is whether credential earners will continue to do better than they otherwise would have done had they not earned the credential. If the peers that these studies are comparing them against all went to college and earned a bachelor’s degree, then it may be that the short-term benefits of these certificates earned in high school won’t carry the same longer-term benefits.

What other research questions remain? One important issue to sort out is whether the certificate or unobserved skill differences are behind the wage returns? The big challenge is that we do not know if the certificate itself is valuable, or if it is just the best available indicator of skills that employers value. Plasman has done the best that is possible given the Ohio data (which are excellent, though don’t include the underlying CTE skill measures that we might like).

Deeper insights may soon be coming. Ongoing work by Daniel Kreisman and Thomas Goldring is designed to offer first-of-its-kind evidence that we need to better understand whether and how credential receipt is working. They have data on student performance on some National Occupational Competency Testing Institute (NOCTI) certifications. Most certifications are awarded based on students scoring at or above some minimum threshold. In the case of this ongoing study, they have the scores and the indication of who received the certificate. The result is that they should be able to differentiate among people who had similar skills on the assessment but who just barely differed in whether they received the certification. This design has the potential to help provide the next set of evidence we need to understand (at least for a handful of districts and certifications) if the payoff comes from the certificate or the underlying skill it is meant to signal.

What might we expect to see? The certificate is likely valuable only insofar as it gives employers an idea of actual skills they value. In areas where the credentials are more easily attained (the test is relatively easy), receiving the credential might not provide all that much information to employers. For instance, if passing a credentialing test is easy and everyone (or nearly everyone) gets the credential, then there is no ability of employers to use the signal that might otherwise come from attainment of the certificate or credential. In these instances, employers get too little information or an imperfect indicator of skill from these metrics. Conversely, credentials that are harder to earn might mean that getting the certificate is a good indicator of someone with high skills. But because earning a credential is binary—you get it or you don’t—those students who just missed earning the credential will look lower-skilled to employers. Thus, the certificates themselves could really be benefiting those who earn them. However, if employers need to hire more than just the pool of people who earned the certificate, they are at a disadvantage in knowing who is the next best person with the skills they value.

The Plasman study sheds new light on a policy relevant issue. The size and economic diversity of Ohio make it a great place from which to learn, and the analysis’s insights are valuable to policymakers and practitioners. There is more evidence needed, but thankfully, some of that work is underway.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Evidence-Based Learning
Career & Technical Education
Governance
Michael J. Petrilli
5.14.2026
New York Governor Kathy Hochul
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Last week, New York Governor Kathy Hochul made big news by announcing her intention to opt her state into the federal Education Freedom Tax Credit (EFTC)—though her office later hedged a bit. In a statement to the press, her staff said they “await information from the federal government on the program and will thoroughly review the details of the policy for poison pills that could harm New York’s education system.”

They will have to wait another few months for said “information”—i.e., the Treasury Department regulations that will govern the initiative—if current rumors about Treasury’s timing are correct. And most likely, those rules won’t say much, except that governors like Hochul will have little say over which Scholarship Granting Organizations can work in their states, as long as they meet the minimum requirements of the law.

That would, indeed, be a poison pill for those who are dead set against private school choice, including funding for religious schools. Peter Greene, for example, went on a rampage against Colorado Governor Jared Polis last weekend for opting into the tax credit initiative—the only Democrat besides Hochul to do so to date—even though it could support schools that discriminate against gay kids. (Polis is openly gay.)

The federal voucher program is simply federally-funded discrimination, a chance for the government to transfer its tax liability to private schools without holding them to any sort of anti-discrimination standards. It’s the government spending what were supposed to be tax dollars on activities that only benefit a selected few.

But what about those of us who support school choice in all its varieties but aren’t crazy about the particulars of the EFTC? Who wish it were targeted more narrowly to low-income students, or included requirements for participating schools to test children regularly? Who view private school choice, including for faith-based schools, not as “discrimination” but as support for educational pluralism? Should we celebrate the decisions by Hochul and Polis?

Regular readers know that I’ve been defending Democratic governors who want to wait for the Treasury regs before they opt in. That only seems fair, and reflects my hope that perhaps the Trump administration will yet decide to give governors some leeway in how the initiative works in their states. For example, if a blue-state governor wanted to limit eligibility to poor and working-class families, or require some testing and transparency provisions, Washington might go ahead and let them.

But those are my policy preferences. As the Rolling Stones taught us, you can’t always get what you want. So what if the option is a clear binary choice:

  1. States opt in and agree to approve every qualified Scholarship Granting Organization, even those that plan to provide scholarships to upper-middle-class families and/or those that don’t require any testing or transparency from participating schools; or
  2. States don’t opt in, and their students and families—in both the public and private school sector—can’t benefit from taxpayer donations funded by the tax credit.

If that’s the choice, I say: Opt-in. Blue states included.

The New York opportunity is particularly exciting. The Empire State has long been home to among the largest Catholic school sectors in the country, with a proud history of serving poor and working-class families well and providing their students a boost to upward mobility. Yet given the state’s deep-blue politics, no private school choice program has ever been in the cards. Now, thanks to Governor Hochul’s brave decision, we can imagine that thousands of low-income and working-class families could gain access to high-quality urban Catholic schools.

And Catholic dioceses are probably the entities best positioned to turn the EFTC into life-changing scholarships. That’s because church leaders can petition their affluent parishioners to take the tax credit, donate to a Scholarship Granting Organization affiliated with the church, and then turn those donations into scholarships for poor and working-class students. There aren’t many other organizations in America that serve both rich and poor and an play matchmaker at scale between donors and recipients.

And for me, keeping Catholic schools open, thriving, and full of low-income and working-class families would be an outcome worth celebrating, even if the initiative doesn’t include the policy designs I prefer. (I do hope they choose not to exclude gay kids or the children of gay parents, though they have a First Amendment right to do so.) And that’s without contemplating the potential benefits to public school and charter school students, who can benefit via mini-scholarships for tutoring and the like.

It was probably Voltaire who first said, some 250 years ago, “Let not the perfect be the enemy of the good.” When comes to the far-from-perfect EFTC, that’s good advice for us today.

Editor’s note: This was adapted from an article first published on Mike’s Substack, SCHOOLED.

Policy Priority:
Quality Choices
Topics:
Governance
Private School Choice
Daniel Buck
5.14.2026
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One year, I decided to write down bullet-pointed notes on all the chaos, violence, and disorder that occurred in my school: Two students held a peer against a wall while a third pummeled them in the face and stomach; another student beat up a special needs child on the bus; a girl brought a hammer to school but it was confiscated before she could use it.

In the end, I stopped my note-taking exercise after two months because such occurrences became too quotidian. Too many other tasks demanded my time for me to bother documenting “another fight today.”

Thankfully, most schools manage to maintain at least basic safety. But prosaic disruptions are a ubiquitous problem. A 2026 union survey confirms what others have before: Student behavior is and has been the number one reason that teachers consider leaving the profession. At the student level, misbehaving peers cause other kids to misbehave and drive down achievement.

That being said, it’s easy to complain about poor behavior, and I’ve made the case for strong behavior policies countless times here and elsewhere. Instead, I want to focus on what school boards can actively do to ensure basic order in their schools—a central and necessary condition for learning.

Strengthen codes of conduct, “broken windows” style

Codes of conduct are the mechanism that either empower administrators to maintain order in schools or restrain them from taking necessary actions. In Milwaukee Public Schools, for example (the large urban district near me), many behaviors have a maximum consequence that curtail building principals. Skipping class, inappropriate dress, leaving class—all plateau at a “level 1” intervention, which limits responses to warnings, conferences, and positive interventions.

Of course, few serious reformers would recommend an out of school suspension for a first-offence class skipper. But what about a second, third, or fourth time? Moreover, are smaller consequences such as detentions, loss of privileges, or academic consequences spelled out in codes of conduct?

I’d advise boards to review and revise their codes of conduct with a “broken windows” theory of schooling in mind. In 1982, George Kelling and James Q. Wilson argued for “broken windows” policing, wherein officers spend more time shooing along loiterers, picking up trash, and apprehending turnstile jumpers than hunting down career criminals. The central idea was that small instances of disorder or chaos create a permission structure for greater disorder or chaos. One broken window signals that no one cares and rules won’t be enforced, so why not break another and rob a house while you’re at it?

Some discipline reform advocates lament “vague school rules” against defiance, disorderly conduct, disrespect, and insubordination. The entire state of California has even prohibited the use of suspensions for willful defiance. Advocates argue that policies should instead focus on clear, egregious behaviors such as fights, alcohol use on school grounds, or throwing furniture—the argument runs.

However, at any school, administrators and teachers either establish the expectation that students must obey school rules or not. If rules are not uniformly enforced, the implicit message then is that students only have to follow some rules some of the time. This degrades a school’s culture.

When I was an assistant principal and students came to my office, regardless of the behavior, I could either support teachers as authorities in their own classroom or not. Regardless of the teachers’ requests or students’ behavior, the fundamental question was whether students had to obey.

The controversial uniform policies of “no excuse” charter schools, wherein students can receive consequences even for mismatched socks, make for an illustrative example. Personally, I’m ambivalent about school uniforms. But if a school sets a uniform policy, they have to enforce it. Otherwise, the message is that “we have rules, but only kind of.” Mismatched socks shouldn’t lead to corporal punishment, but a code of conduct must allow a consequence for a breach, however minor—a school provided pair and a loss of recess time, for example.

Consider other small misbehaviors such as talking out of turn or refusing to sit in an assigned seat. Perhaps one student can whisper during instruction or sit wherever his heart desires, but what happens when every student does likewise? Small infractions compound—either through every student misbehaving or one student persistently disrupting class—such that they interrupt learning far more in aggregate than a one-off fight or outburst.

Hold the line with small consequences on minutiae, and schools will achieve greater order and discipline than keeping it to suspensions for egregious actions. Deal with the small fish so that bigger fish to fry don’t come along. While boards (usually) cannot themselves revise student handbooks or codes of conduct, they can compel superintendents to revise them along the board’s vision and refuse to approve them until district leadership does so.

Compel administrators to use consequences

School board members need to understand that many forces within a school encourage academic mediocrity. No one actually likes high expectations. Sure, everyone mouths rhetorical support for high expectations, but when it comes to high grading loads, the need to assign Fs, tough academic gauntlets, academic eligibility to participate in sports, retention policies, and any practical enforcement of high expectations, most stakeholders bristle.

Discipline enforcement exemplifies this reality. Every time I pressed a button to enter a consequence into our student management software, I knew my life would get difficult for a week. Parents, invariably, contested both the official account of the incident and the subsequent consequence.

Now, parents have every right to question the decisions that a school makes about their child. I only mention this pushback to demonstrate that there are many disincentives to doing the right thing. It’s easier in the moment for administrators to give a student a stern talking to and move on with their day—no risk for contentious parent meetings required.

With that in mind, board policy can require that principals or deans assign a consequence for referrals or before returning a student back to class. They needn’t be harsh, but administrators cannot then send a student back to class with only a bag of chips and an encouraging pep-talk.

Keep restorative justice and PBIS supplemental

The majority of the work to maintain safe and orderly schools happens through clearly defined, taught, and enforced routines and procedures—from how to enter the school building to expectations during class discussions. It’s fine—advisable even—to include follow-up conversations after a consequence and incentive systems to reward good behavior akin to restorative justice or positive behavior interventions and supports (PBIS), but only so long as they remain supplemental—that is, something like a restorative conversation happens in tandem with a consequence, not as a replacement for it.

Any competent administrator or teacher will talk with students after a behavior incident: What happened, why did it happen, what can you do instead next time, and what can you do to make it right? And many also leverage incentive systems in their own classes. These are necessary and good additions to any strong discipline policy.

The problem arises when PBIS or restorative justice come to replace any code of conduct. If an administer must try a behavior plan full of various rewards and incentives before they can administer a suspension or if a restorative conversation replaces a consequence, the discipline policy becomes too weak to maintain order. The proactive behavioral structures and enforcement are the metaphorical walls and roof of the school building. If you try to keep out the weather with only gutters, you’re destined to failure. Ensure that no board policy places such restraints on an administer.

Tour schools

The reality is that most states and schools have decent discipline codes. They’re neither overly lenient nor exceedingly punitive. They offer appropriate latitude to administrators to pull either the lenient or strict lever as fits the situation. Faults in the system often come at the point of implementation, not policy. There’s no better way to determine the implementation of behavior policies—or any policy for that matter—than for board members to visit schools.

Discipline reports and data can be fudged, but the day-to-day culture of a school cannot. What’s the feeling in a hallway? How noisy are classrooms? Is that noise productive chatter or chaos? Do you hear teachers screaming? Are students poised and respectful as you walk by? What’s the status of bulletin boards and walls? Are they maintained or falling apart and covered in graffiti? These questions are far more difficult to fake or (literally) paper over.

Routine walkthroughs are obviously easier in smaller districts. But even in larger districts, board members can make it a routine exercise to spend, say, a day a month visiting a handful of schools. Divide and conquer among a 9-person board, and you can maintain a sense of how the district as a whole and individual schools are succeeding or failing.

Perform behavioral audits

For this last recommendation, I owe credit to Max Eden, who suggested that boards perform regular behavioral audits consisting of a survey of teachers that includes a free response section. He argues that, “One could Google for hours in vain trying to find a teacher who went on record about discipline and safety problems, but when teachers have the opportunity to speak anonymously, they have horror stories to tell.”

Any attempt to bring order to schools will likely trigger negative press. You can practically plug and play the headline: “District X implements policy that experts say could do terrible Y harm to student group Z.” Behavioral audits will provide fodder for effective counter messaging and a much-needed look into the chaotic reality of classrooms. Eden provides a few examples from districts that have used behavioral audits:

  • “We were told that referrals would not require suspension ‘unless there was blood.’”
  • “I have never seen anything like it. The behavior is unreal. The students know they can get away with anything because there are no real consequences.”
  • “Students are throwing rocks at teachers. When they are sent down to the office, they returned moments later.”
  • “My life and the lives of my students were threatened this year, and the child was in school the very next day.”

A transparency measure such as this won’t improve behavior itself but it will make the problem clear so that the above policies have justification and community support.

—

None of these policies alone (or even together) will usher in a utopian era of school orderliness and decorum. A healthy garden is the manifestation of numerous actions: well-timed planting, sufficient watering, soil health, pH levels, weeding, a balance of sun and shade, and much else. So, too, an orderly school relies on effective teacher training, engaging instruction, high-quality curricula, thoughtful routines, school culture, and plenty else. But everything else rests on the precondition that schools are safe and orderly, educators can teach without chaos, and students can learn in environments where they can actually focus on their studies. While administrators and teachers must carry out the day-to-day functions of a school, it’s incumbent on school boards to set the policies that allow them to do so successfully.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Governance
Teachers & School Leaders
Meredith Coffey, Ph.D.
5.14.2026
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Over the six years I taught high school, I tried every response to student cellphone use that was available to me: one warning, three warnings, no warnings; reacting to the mere sight of a phone, looking the other way if the use wasn’t conspicuous; calling the front office, calling the counselor, revisiting “classroom norms,” emailing parents, buying one of those class cellphone organizers that looks like it’s for shoes. None of these efforts worked particularly well, and they were all draining.

That’s why, since I left the classroom in 2022, I’ve been heartened to see the wave of school cellphone bans across districts and states. Unlikely bedfellows from teachers unions to Moms for Liberty have allied in support, and a study last year suggested promising initial results around attendance and academic achievement.

However, a new study from researchers from Stanford, Duke, Penn, and Michigan offers a different set of findings, which have received attention from the New York Times, the Washington Post, and NPR (not to mention Fordham’s own Amber Northern). The study analyzes the effects of a single popular phone ban mechanism: Yondr pouches. Adopted in almost five thousand schools, these magnetically sealed cases allow students to maintain possession of their phones while physically preventing access during the school day. Admittedly, the new study’s results aren’t the slam-dunk some of us might’ve hoped for, yet I’m inclined to agree with Emily Oster that they’re not as discouraging as some reports have declared.

The researchers, including prominent names such as Tom Dee and Angela Duckworth, rely on data from a variety of sources: private companies Yondr and Advan Research (the latter for phone GPS data); administrative education data from the National Center for Education Statistics, the Education Data Center, the Stanford Education Data Archive, state education agencies, and school-level records; and results from surveys of teachers, parents, and students. The study examines the effects of this particular approach to phone banning—Yondr pouch adoption—on academic, attendance, disciplinary, and social-emotional outcomes. Using a staggered difference-in-differences study design, they compare outcomes for middle and high schools that adopted Yondr pouches between 2023 and 2025 with outcomes for middle and high schools that either never adopted Yondr pouches or did so in 2026. The study’s largest analytic sample included over 40,000 schools, though it was not nationally representative.

The first finding—that cellphone use in schools declined—is already pretty encouraging. Some might think it obvious that locking up phones decreases their use, but in fact, anecdotes of Yondr hacks abound, with some arguing that the pouches aren’t ultimately effective. In defiance of such claims, this study used GPS data and teacher reports to determine that phone activity during school hours declined substantially. (The researchers hesitate to put a specific number on students’ activity decrease, since the detectable rate of phone “pings” is subject to factors like phone privacy settings and activity on school staff’s phones.) Don’t we, in general, want kids to be less glued to their phones, especially during the school day? Simply having students on their phones for less of the day is a win unto itself.

Two other outcomes briefly worsened but then rebounded: student discipline and student well-being. Upon Yondr adoption, schools experienced a 16 percent increase in suspensions, but by the following year, suspensions had returned to baseline levels. This short-term shock makes sense: Some of the infractions probably resulted from cellphone use that wasn’t previously prohibited, and some probably resulted from students prone to misbehaving no longer using their phones to “self-anesthetize,” as study co-author Dee has said.

That language might sound melodramatic to those who haven’t been in a classroom in a while, but it’s on point. I had students who tried to fight because one looked at another the wrong way; if you’re looking at a phone, then you’re not giving the stink-eye to your classmate. I had students who wanted to use their phones to listen to music during independent work time; if you can’t hear the kid making rude comments or an irritating pencil noise, then you’re not going to get annoyed and shout at them. Teachers experiencing recent phone bans have told me that their students are now forced to interact face-to-face throughout the entire class period—genuinely a first for many of them. Still, as one teacher told me, the payoff will be worth what she and her colleagues see as short-term “growing pains.”

Students’ self-reported well-being also dropped sharply upon Yondr adoption but soon rebounded and even improved. Imagine being 15 years old and never having experienced school without notification-induced dopamine hits or your favorite Spotify playlist. And yet, this finding shows that students are overcoming the shock and adapting.

The other outcomes all suggest that, at least within the initial years of Yondr use, schools and students are breaking even. There was no statistically significant effect on self-reported classroom attention, perceived likelihood of cyberbullying, or absenteeism.

What’s drawn much of the attention to this study, however, is the finding that Yondr pouches haven’t yet moved the needle on academic outcomes. Most of the academic effects were close to null, although there were small improvements in high school math and very small setbacks in middle school math. That’s not the stunning endorsement that some of us might’ve wanted, but it’s also early days of implementation. The earliest Yondr adoptions included in the study took place in 2022–23, and the others took place even more recently. That’s not much time to heal from what Jonathan Haidt has called “the damage from distraction and fragmented attention [that] has been compounding for years.”

In the coming years, longer-term studies will become possible and may well reveal different results for academic achievement or any of these other outcomes. In the meantime, also helpful would be research on other types of phone bans, as well as work examining phone bans’ impact on teacher recruitment and retention. The present study saw teacher satisfaction increase with Yondr adoption, and a recent Ed Week survey suggests that stricter phone policies have improved recruitment. If I hadn’t spent my teaching career stuck in an unending loop of cellphone Whac-A-Mole, I might not have burned out so quickly. And improved teacher outcomes matter for students.

Though I expect to see more phone ban benefits over time, we may not—but that doesn’t mean we should perceive this study as an indictment of phone bans. Disappointment around the “mixed” results comes across as emblematic of the tendency in education to expect a single, silver-bullet policy or practice to “fix” everything overnight. But if you heard about an intervention that decreased students’ time on their phones, measurably improved their well-being, didn’t cause any apparent harm, and only cost $30 per student, wouldn’t that be appealing? Just because Yondr pouches aren’t an instant cure-all doesn’t mean they aren’t worthwhile.

SOURCE: Hunt Allcott, E. Jason Baron, Thomas Dee, Angela L. Duckworth, Matthew Gentzkow, and Brian Jacob, “The Effects of School Phone Bans: National Evidence from Lockable Pouches,” National Bureau of Economic Research (April 2026).

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Evidence-Based Learning
Curriculum & Instruction
Governance
Teachers & School Leaders
Bruno V. Manno
5.13.2026
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National Charter Schools Week (May 10 to 16) rightly focuses our attention on the millions of students attending public charter schools. Less attention goes to the federal program that helped make much of that growth possible.

Today, charter schools are often treated as a partisan education fight. But the federal Charter Schools Program, or CSP, has a more practical, bipartisan story. Congress created it in 1994 as part of the Improving America’s Schools Act, the Clinton-era reauthorization of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act.

Created to help launch new charter schools, replicate strong models, and support facilities financing, CSP remains a modest federal tool with a large public purpose: helping communities create more quality K–12 public school options.

It remains the only federal program specifically dedicated to expanding public charter school choice nationwide. The National Alliance for Public Charter Schools describes CSP as a catalyst that helps educators and communities create new public school options rather than a federal effort to run schools from Washington.

At its best, CSP is a problem-solving program. It helps states, communities, nonprofit operators, and school founders respond to family demand. It supports pluralism in public education, or the idea that students need more than one kind of school and more than one pathway to success.

The program is also modest by Washington standards. CSP is currently funded at $440 million annually (though in May 2025, the administration added a $60 million increase using its discretionary authority). That’s roughly 2 percent of federal K–12 education spending on Title 1. Yet nearly half of charter schools operating today received CSP support at some point, and today’s 8,140 charter schools now serve nearly 3.9 million students nationwide.

That makes CSP a useful case study in what federal education policy can do well: support innovation without imposing uniformity.

But if CSP is a quiet success, it’s also at an inflection point. The next phase shouldn’t be judged only by how many schools it helps open. It should be judged by whether it helps communities grow effective and accountable schools.

That starts with protecting and strengthening the program’s small but catalytic investment. CSP does not cover the full cost of opening or expanding schools, and it was never meant to. Its value is that it helps promising schools get started, especially in communities where new options are hardest to create. Congress should increase funding for the program, as the Trump administration is proposing.

Second, policymakers should simplify CSP without weakening accountability. For a program designed to support innovation, CSP has become unusually complex. The National Alliance for Public Charter Schools argues that it is now one of the most complex grant programs in the federal budget, with layers of compliance, reporting, and regulatory requirements that can slow funds from reaching schools. Accountability matters and public dollars require public oversight, but oversight should protect students and taxpayers, not create a maze that prevents good schools from opening.

That is why bipartisan modernization efforts deserve attention. For example, the Fostering Learning and Excellence in Charter Schools Act, or FLEX Act, would aim to modernize CSP so that funds reach schools faster and the program better reflects the needs of families and students. And the Empower Charter School Educators to Lead Act would provide early seed funding to qualified school leaders at the earliest stage of charter development. These are both practical attempts to make a federal program work better.

Third, Congress should address the biggest barrier facing many charter schools: facilities. Unlike district schools, charter schools often lack access to public buildings and local facilities funding. That means they must use money intended for classrooms to pay rent, renovate buildings, or finance construction. Federal policy cannot solve the facilities problem alone, but it can help.

Congress should protect financing tools such as tax-exempt private activity bonds, which provide lower-cost financing for charter school buildings. It should also consider the Equitable Access to School Facilities Act, a bipartisan proposal to provide more funding and flexibility within CSP subgrant programs for school building needs. Rural charter schools also deserve attention. The Department of Agriculture’s Community Facilities grants and loan programs already help finance community facilities in rural America, including public school buildings. But charter school access has been uneven. USDA should clarify that rural charter schools are eligible and encourage timely application approvals.

Thirty years in, CSP remains a small federal program with a large public purpose. It helps families find options, educators build schools, and communities expand opportunity.

The next step is to make a bipartisan program work better. For Congress, that means a simple test: protect what works, fix what doesn’t, and keep the door open for more students to find a public school that helps them thrive.

Policy Priority:
Quality Choices
Topics:
Charter Schools
Governance
Jeff Murray
5.13.2026
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  1. The voucher lawsuit appeal hearing happened yesterday. You can check out remarkably-similar coverage from the Plain Dealer folks… (Cleveland.com, 5/12/26) …the Dispatch team… (Columbus Dispatch, 5/12/26) …or the DDN. (Dayton Daily News, 5/12/26)

  2. The similarity of which I speak in the preceding clip is a district-centric focus to the stories (as in, “the appeal of vouchers’ unconstitutionality took place today”), which was inevitable and would, I surmised, be universal across all coverage. What would it look like if an EdChoice lawsuit media story was told from the voucher perspective (as in “the state defends vouchers”)? Very much like this one, I think. Interesting. (Scioto Post, 5/12/26)

  3. Speaking of playing defense, leaders of Cleveland Metropolitan School District took to the stage of the City Club yesterday to defend their work in right-sizing the cash-strapped district—including building closures/consolidations, programming cuts, and staff layoffs. Despite efforts by audience members and the media to link today’s school choice environment (see above) and the current state funding formula to the problem, these leaders are refreshingly clear-eyed. They present a history lesson confirming decades of student enrollment loss beginning long before charters and the Cleveland Scholarship Program came around in the 1990s. Unspoken here—but implied is the fact that CMSD did very little to shrink their footprint until now, despite the longstanding need. District CEO Warren Morgan said that there remain more than 250 schools in the Cleveland area, which is “too many schools for our area.” I think the defense can rest now. (Ideastream Public Media, 5/12/26)

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Policy Priority:
School Funding
Topics:
Governance
Chad L. Aldis
5.12.2026
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NOTE: Today, the Ohio Senate’s Education Committee heard testimony on Substitute Senate Bill 272. This legislation would, among other things, require students to pass a civics assessment as a condition for graduation. Fordham’s Vice President for Ohio Policy provided the following proponent testimony before the committee.

Substitute Senate Bill 272 takes an important and meaningful step to strengthen civic knowledge by requiring students, beginning in 2027-28 school year, to pass a civics assessment based on the U.S. citizenship test as a condition for graduation.

The citizenship test measures basic knowledge about American history, government, and democratic principles—knowledge that every citizen should possess. Yet today, far too many Americans lack this foundation. Based on a 2018 survey, only 36 percent of Americans could pass the citizenship test. That number drops to fewer than one in five Americans under age 45. Ohio does a little better with 41 percent able to pass the citizenship test. But let’s face it, that’s nothing to brag about. These troubling results point to a clear need to do more.

Requiring students to demonstrate this knowledge before receiving a diploma sends an important signal: civic literacy matters. Indeed, immigrants seeking to become citizens must pass this very test. And the vast majority do with a passage rate of almost 90 percent. It is reasonable to expect the same of students graduating from Ohio high schools.

The assessment required by Substitute Senate Bill 272 should be understood not as a high-stakes hurdle, but as a culminating demonstration of learning and confirmation that students have acquired the essential knowledge needed for informed citizenship.

If this committee wanted to be even bolder, my former Fordham colleague and current American Enterprise Institute scholar Robert Pondiscio has argued persuasively that passing the citizenship test shouldn’t be a high school graduation requirement but rather an eighth grade or even elementary school rite of passage. The knowledge assessed by the citizenship test is not advanced or obscure. It reflects content that can and should be taught systematically over many years with much of introduced as early as elementary school.

At a time of deep political polarization and declining trust in institutions, strengthening civic education is more important than ever. Ensuring that every graduate has a basic understanding of our nation’s history, principles, and system of government is a commonsense step toward preparing young people for their responsibilities as Americans.

For these reasons, we respectfully urge the committee to support Substitute Senate Bill 272.

Thank you again for the opportunity to testify.

Policy Priority:
Public Testimony
Topics:
Accountability & Testing
Chad L. Aldis
5.12.2026
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NOTE: Today, the Ohio House Education Committee heard testimony on Substitute Senate Bill 19. The legislation proposes a wide-ranging overhaul of math education in the state—from requiring math improvement plans for students at risk of failure to making sure that future math teachers pass content exams before starting in the classroom—in order to address an ongoing achievement crisis. Fordham’s Vice President for Ohio Policy provided the following Interested Party testimony.

I testified on key components of this legislation in February and remain generally supportive of its approach to taking on the math achievement challenges our state faces. I’ve kept my testimony on those provisions here for the record, but my comments will focus on provisions in the substitute bill involving state assessments and some more technical changes in the sub bill that likely weaken SB 19’s long-term impact.

The Scope of Ohio’s Math Challenge

Despite recent academic gains, Ohio remains well below pre-pandemic achievement in both reading and math. As Fordham’s recent analyses show, math proficiency remains 5.7 percentage points below 2019 levels, with only 55.3% of students proficient (on grade level) statewide.

Statewide proficiency rates in math and reading, 2018–19 (pre-pandemic) to 2024–25

IP testimony on Senate Bill 19 figure

These gaps aren’t just academic—they’re economic. Employers consistently cite quantitative reasoning and problem-solving as top skills for the modern workforce. Whether a student aspires to be a nurse, electrician, or software developer, math is a gatekeeper to opportunity. Without stronger math achievement, Ohio risks leaving a generation of students—and the state’s economic future—behind.

How Senate Bill 19 Addresses the Crisis

Senate Bill 19 takes a systematic, evidence-based approach to improving math outcomes that—if implemented robustly—has the potential to boost math achievement. It includes:

1. Academic Intervention and Monitoring

The bill requires schools to identify and support students scoring “limited” (the lowest level on state assessments) in math or reading, providing evidence-based interventions at no cost. This includes high-dosage tutoring, extended learning time, and other targeted supports.

2. Math Improvement Plans for Districts

Beginning in the 2026–27 school year, districts where fewer than 51% of students score proficient on the third-grade math assessment must create a Math Achievement Improvement Plan, ensuring leadership-level accountability and strategic intervention.

3. Statewide Oversight and Transparency

SB 19 strengthens state oversight by requiring the Department of Education and Workforce (DEW) to audit 5 percent of schools annually, reviewing the quality and fidelity of intervention programs. These findings will appear on public report cards—providing families and taxpayers with greater transparency.

4. High-Quality Math Curriculum and Instructional Materials

In one of the bill’s most significant provisions, DEW will review core math curricula and publish a list of high-quality, standards-aligned instructional materials. Schools’ use of these materials will be publicly reported on state report cards.

5. Strengthening the Teaching Profession

SB 19 recognizes that great instruction begins with great teachers. It calls for new math proficiency assessments for early-grade teacher candidates and state-developed professional development programs focused on evidence-based math instruction. These steps ensure educators have both the content knowledge and tools to deliver high-quality math lessons.

6. Opportunities for Advanced Learners

Finally, the bill opens new doors for high-achieving students by requiring that students who score accomplished (this portion was disappointingly removed in the sub bill) or advanced in math on the state assessment be automatically placed in accelerated or Algebra I courses, with a parental opt-out. This provision ensures that excellence is nurtured, not neglected—a crucial step in closing both the lower and upper ends of Ohio’s achievement gaps.

Why This Matters: Ohio’s Path Forward

Ohio has taken strides to improve literacy through the Science of Reading reforms. But as Fordham has repeatedly emphasized, we must now apply that same urgency to math. The bill reflects a clear understanding that strong math achievement is not optional in today’s economy. It is the foundation for innovation, progress, and workforce readiness. Students who can think mathematically will not only succeed in college but also thrive in trades, technology, and countless real-world applications.

Provisions Related to State Assessments

I would like to address one provision that raises significant concerns: the proposal to request a waiver from the United States Department of Education to shift Ohio’s state assessment system to a nationally normed referenced test, or NRT.

While NRTs can be useful in certain contexts—particularly as diagnostic tools—they are not well suited to serve as a state accountability assessment.

Ohio’s current system is built on a fundamental principle: alignment between academic standards and assessments. Standards define what students are expected to learn, and assessments measure whether they have learned it. This alignment ensures fairness and clarity for students, educators, and parents alike.

NRTs, by design, do not operate this way. They are intended to compare students to one another on a national scale, not to measure mastery of a specific state’s standards.  As a result, adopting an NRT would weaken the connection between what is taught in Ohio classrooms and what is measured on state assessments.

That shift would have real consequences. It would make it more difficult to hold schools accountable for helping students meet Ohio’s expectations. It would introduce questions about fairness, as students could be tested on material that is not aligned with state standards. And it would move Ohio away from the standards-based system required under federal law.

Beyond these concerns, changing assessments at the state level is a complex and disruptive undertaking. Ohio has experienced this firsthand. Past transitions led to confusion, frustration, and a loss of continuity in student achievement data.  A shift to an NRT would risk repeating those challenges, breaking trend lines that policymakers and educators rely on to understand whether reforms—like the Science of Reading—are working.

Importantly, moving to a national test would reduce Ohio’s control over its own assessment system. State tests should reflect Ohio’s academic priorities and benefit from the input of Ohio educators. An NRT, developed for a national market, cannot fully meet that need.

Fortunately, Senate Bill 19 also points toward a better path.

The bill directs the Department of Education and Workforce to develop a plan for a next-generation, computer-adaptive assessment. This approach has the potential to address many of the legitimate concerns that have been raised about testing.

A well-designed computer-adaptive assessment can reduce testing time by adjusting to each student’s performance in real time. It can provide more precise information about what students know and where they need support. And, importantly, it can deliver results much more quickly—making the data useful to teachers and families.

This is exactly the kind of thoughtful improvement Ohio should pursue. Rather than abandoning its current system, Ohio should build on it—modernizing assessments while preserving the critical alignment to state standards. Doing so would maintain fairness and accountability while making the system more efficient and more responsive to the needs of students and educators.

Provisions that Weaken SB 19

Auto enrollment: The bill previously enrolled every student who performed accomplished or advanced on the state assessment into advanced math in seventh and eighth grades, culminating in completing Algebra in eighth. The bill modified the language to only auto enroll students scoring advanced into the accelerated middle school path. Accomplished students would need approval from their principal and teachers. That provision accomplishes nothing as principals and teachers can already do that. This change goes against available data which shows that students scoring accomplished on the state assessment in seventh grade who take algebra in eighth grade excel. We encourage you to expand the pipeline for advanced math opportunities. As amended, this is going to keep disadvantaged students out of advanced math opportunities that they are prepared for. As a state, we must do better.

Science of reading instructional materials waiver: One of the hallmarks of the 2023 science of reading reforms is the requirement for all schools to use high quality instructional materials that are aligned to the science of reading. The sub bill includes waiver language for this year and next to allow a subset of schools to use materials that aren’t aligned to the science of reading. This creates a potential slippery slope for future carveouts. Accountability is accomplished through consistency of action—not strong policies that are walked back a little each year.

Reading diagnostics: In last year’s budget, you limited the number of approved reading diagnostics to five. Given the huge variability in the quality of diagnostics, we believe that was the right decision. Unfortunately, not all tests are created equal and some have very mixed results in actually correlating with state assessments. The sub bill raises the number of approved tests to six and appears to allow districts to apply for waivers to DEW on the diagnostic used for the 26-27 school year. These may well be the right moves, but they also could well be early backsliding on last year’s enacted language. I’m simply flagging the issue for the committee’s consideration.

Conclusion

In closing, Senate Bill 19 is a strong and important piece of legislation that addresses a pressing need in Ohio education. I urge the committee to advance the bill. At the same time, I encourage you to reconsider the proposed shift to a nationally normed test, focus on improving Ohio’s existing assessment system, and reverse course on the most recent sub bill changes related to auto enrollment. 

Policy Priority:
Public Testimony
Topics:
Curriculum & Instruction

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