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Jeff Murray
12.12.2025
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Stories featured in Ohio Charter News Weekly may require a paid subscription to read in full.

Learning more to help students succeed

Here’s a great look at the efforts Utica Shale Academy superintendent Bill Watson is going to to provide even more opportunities for his students. Watson has just completed the Excellence in Education Executive Coaching (EC3) program, with an emphasis on connecting with other school leaders across the country to share what he’s learned as head of a career-tech-focused charter school and to learn from them new ways to educate and empower his students to learn, earn, and achieve. Great stuff.

New charter options for rural students

The Stevensville Public School district in western Montana has applied to open two charter schools in the Bitterroot Valley area, aiming to provide specialized education for high school students looking for options. One is a health science academy, partnering with a new local clinic to give students hands-on education in various medical fields. The other is an alternative program that would be “more flexible and personalized” than traditional high school courses, including some online and on-demand classes to allow students to move at their own pace. District leaders presented their proposals before the Montana Board of Public Education earlier this month and a decision should be forthcoming in January.

Parent satisfaction

Speaking of online education, a recent report from Michigan Parents for School Options indicates that 87 percent of parents who choose a virtual school option are satisfied or very satisfied with their child’s experience. “Parents who choose to send their child to an online charter public school do so for reasons very specific and personal to their family,” said organization chair Amy Dunlap. “Whether for health reasons, to escape bullying, or flexibility in learning needed for either the child or the family, this decision is personal, unique, and very important to each family.” Thirty-one percent of virtual school parents surveyed also cited the quality of the curriculum as their reason for switching and just 16 percent believed their local schools could offer these same opportunities.

Hoping for better

The Sun-Sentinel newspaper is reporting that the elected boards in Palm Beach and Broward County school districts have rejected almost all of the 197 requests they received from local charter operators to share unused space in their buildings under the new Schools of Hope rules, citing “impracticality” in their decisions. It is unclear at this point what recourse the charter operators have, but it is a sure bet that their efforts are not over yet.

The view from Indy

Charter and district co-location is just one of the proposals on the table in Indianapolis as leaders across the city try to build true collaboration around shared…everything—including buildings, buses, oversight, accountability, and money. The founder of the state’s Charter Innovation Center calls it a “grand bargain”—meaning that all school sectors will be required to give up some of their historical autonomy in return for a share of the new, collective education ecosystem being built.

Another step toward a reckoning

Tennessee Attorney General Jonathan Skrmetti recently issued a legal opinion arguing that the provision requiring charter schools in his state to be “nonsectarian” and “nonreligious” likely violates the Free Exercise Clause of the First Amendment to the U.S. Constitution. It was part of the 2002 law that first authorized charters in the Volunteer State and Skrmetti says the provision “penalizes free exercise and triggers the ‘most exacting scrutiny’.” And that scrutiny could come soon as part of a lawsuit filed earlier this month on the subject in Knox County, Tennessee.

*****

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Policy Priority:
School Choice
Topics:
Charter Schools
Jeff Murray
12.12.2025
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  1. Only one clip worth talking about today, but it is a) technically three stories in one, and b) a doozy…as is often the case on these one-clip days. A new report “by the left-leaning New America’s Education Funding Equity initiative” (as journalist Laura Hancock puts it) explores the impacts of three different plans for redrawing school district boundaries in Ohio (the full report does the same for almost all of the Lower 48 states). Those three models are: Countywide districts, selective merging of neighboring districts, and a “blank slate” option that eliminates the status quo entirely and creates brand new school boundaries/districts from scratch. All three would reduce the number of school districts in the state (from the current 600+ to 163 or fewer), and would make the resulting districts more equal in terms of tax-base and more racially and economically integrated than the current configuration. I imagine there’s a catch in there somewhere that I’m missing at first blush, but my hot take is that if the left-leaners and the right-leaners (sorry, the non-partisaners) are now both advocating for blowing up every current school district boundary in the name of…whatever windmill they’re tilting at…then I feel like there’s a “let’s meet in the middle” plan just waiting to be had. Who’s with me?! (Cleveland.com, 12/11/25)

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Policy Priority:
School Funding
Topics:
Governance
Jessica Poiner
12.11.2025
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With Thanksgiving in the rearview mirror and Christmas on the horizon, Ohioans are now fully immersed in the holiday season. Between shoveling snow and checking the kids’ Christmas lists, most folks aren’t thinking about their plans for the new year. But given Ohio’s less-than-stellar academic results on national and state exams, policymakers definitely should be.

The good news is that lawmakers in the Senate have already done some heavy lifting to create legislation that could help Ohio students. As a matter of fact, Senate Bill 19—which was unanimously passed by the upper chamber just prior to Thanksgiving—is the perfect opportunity for House policymakers to hit the ground running. Here are two reasons why they should put passing Senate Bill 19 at the top of their 2026 to-do list, as soon as the chamber reconvenes.

1. It will help boost math achievement statewide.

Ohio has a math problem. During the 2024–25 school year, just 55 percent of Ohio students scored proficient or above on the state’s math exams. Results are worse in middle school (ranging from 48 to 52 percent for grades 6–8) and just as concerning in high school Algebra I and geometry (59 and 43 percent, respectively). While it’s encouraging that proficiency rates improved in most grades between 2024 and 2025, overall achievement has yet to bounce back to pre-pandemic levels. In fact, gaps between 2019 and 2025 results remain large. Last year’s math proficiency rates fell short of pre-pandemic marks by roughly 5 percentage points in fourth and fifth grade, approximately 7 percentage points in seventh grade and geometry, just over 8 percentage points in sixth grade, and a massive 10 percentage points in eighth grade.

These aren’t just numbers. These are real Ohio kids, and almost half of them are moving from grade to grade without mastering the requisite math skills. Given Ohio’s lackluster graduation requirements, it’s likely they’ll still be awarded diplomas. But then what? Those who go to college may get stuck in remedial math classes that will help them wrack up student debt but not course credit. Students who enter the workforce won’t be prepared to succeed in many of Ohio’s in-demand careers, which require strong math and problem-solving skills. Even basic adulthood tasks—household budgeting, understanding car loans or mortgage rates, doubling a recipe, filing taxes, saving for retirement, calculating costs for a family vacation—could be hard to do.

If Ohio leaders want to do right by current and future students, they need to solve the state’s math problem. Senate Bill 19 offers an evidence-based path forward that focuses on curriculum and teachers.

First, it requires the Department of Education and Workforce (DEW) to review core math curricula and establish a list of high-quality instructional materials. Undertaking such a review would assist school leaders when it comes time to purchase new textbooks and materials.

Second, the curricula that schools use in both math and reading would be identified on state report cards. These new expectations should provide families, advocates, and communities with additional transparency.

Third, the bill calls for state officials to establish a new math proficiency exam for teacher candidates in the early grades. Those who fail to demonstrate proficiency can still earn a teaching license, but districts and schools would be prohibited from assigning them to teach math until they earn a proficient score.

Fourth, the bill requires DEW to establish two professional development offerings for current teachers: a course for foundational math knowledge and a series of programs on evidence-based math instruction. Collectively, these provisions should help ensure that current and future educators are well-prepared to teach math.

2. It would help struggling students and high achievers.

When students take Ohio’s state exams, their results fall into one of five performance levels: limited, basic, proficient, accomplished, and advanced. The top three levels (proficient, accomplished, and advanced) are considered passing scores that are at or above grade level. The lowest (limited) is a red flag that students are far behind.

Unfortunately, there are significant numbers of students scoring limited on math exams. In elementary and middle school, the percentage ranges from 23 percent in fourth grade to an eye-popping 39 percent in eighth. To catch up to their peers—and be prepared for adulthood—these students need intensive intervention and support from their schools.

On the other end of the spectrum, accomplished and advanced students are surpassing grade-level standards. Their test scores are a clear indicator that they’re ready to be challenged. And yet, many aren’t given the opportunity to enroll in advanced math courses. This lack of access has an impact on all high achievers across the state, but it’s particularly problematic for low-income students. A recently published Fordham report found that high-achieving, low-income students in Ohio are significantly less likely to attend college than their wealthier peers who had similar academic performance in third grade. Part of the reason why is that they lack access to rigorous learning opportunities such as advanced math coursework.

Students on both ends of the achievement spectrum deserve more support from their schools, and Senate Bill 19 aims to provide it. For struggling students, it establishes a new requirement for public schools to provide evidence-based intervention services to those who score limited on state tests in math or reading. Beginning in 2026–27, schools must also develop a Math Improvement and Monitoring Plan for each student who qualifies for intervention services. Meanwhile, for high-achieving students, the bill requires public schools to enroll students who score accomplished or advanced on their seventh-grade math exam in Algebra I in eighth grade. Students in grades 3–6 who score accomplished or advanced must also be enrolled in advanced math the next year.

***

Between disappointing NAEP scores and lackluster state report card results, Ohio had a rough year in 2025. But the start of a new year brings new opportunities, and Senate Bill 19 is a great one. Here’s hoping that House lawmakers seize the opportunity to strengthen math policy in Ohio and help more students achieve proficiency in the years to come.

Policy Priority:
Standards & Accountability
Topics:
Accountability & Testing
Aaron Churchill
12.11.2025
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School report cards have long played a central role in accountability systems. They provide public transparency around student performance and school quality. When results are substandard, state and local are required to take action. Created in 2021, Ohio’s current report card framework is generally solid, featuring user-friendly ratings and measures that incentivize schools to improve. But as report card elements are implemented and new data come in, policymakers may need to make adjustments that preserve the system’s rigor and integrity. In a series of forthcoming pieces, I’ll take a look at areas that could use some careful refinement. This one examines chronic absenteeism, a serious problem statewide, but an indicator that has not been effectively incorporated into the report card.

How chronic absenteeism fits into the report card

Students who miss more than 10 percent of the school year—almost a month’s worth—are deemed “chronically absent.” In an effort to improve attendance, Ohio added chronic absenteeism rates to the report card in 2018. These data initially appeared in the Achievement component alongside student proficiency rates. During the 2021 overhaul, policymakers sensibly moved chronic absenteeism to the Gap Closing component, which focused Achievement on district- and school-wide proficiency.

As part of Gap Closing, chronic absenteeism now sits among indicators of various student groups’ performance—e.g., the achievement and growth of low-income pupils. As Table 1 shows, chronic absenteeism is worth five points in the Gap Closing scoring system. The “weight” absenteeism receives varies across districts and depends their demographics and how many student groups they are accountable for. In a district with few student groups, chronic absenteeism carries more weight—it’s worth 10 to 15 percent in many racially homogenous rural districts—while it carries less weight in diverse urban and suburban districts (e.g., 7 percent in Columbus).[1]

Table 1: Structure of Ohio’s Gap Closing component

Ohio report card - chronic absenteeism blog table 1
Notes: The ten student groups, outlined in federal and state law, are: all students, six racial/ethnic groups, English learners, students with disabilities, and economically disadvantaged students. This table shows the points possible assuming a district is accountable for every student group, which does not actually occur in practice. Performance targets to meet various indicators appear in this document. A district’s points earned divided by its points possible determines the Gap Closing rating based on this grading scale.

How high-absenteeism schools get a free pass

Including chronic absenteeism in the report card system highlights the importance of attendance and nudges schools to pay attention to it. But the way the Ohio implements the measure undermines its ability to hold schools accountable and drive significant reductions in chronic absenteeism. The problem boils down to a loose alternative method by which schools can meet the chronic absenteeism indicator and receive the five-point credit.

The first—and non-problematic—way schools can meet the indicator is by meeting a statewide target rate. In 2024–25, the target was 16.4 percent, which roughly two in five districts statewide achieved last year. This is a reasonably strict standard and one that will continue to get tougher each year. By 2029–30, schools will need to register chronic absenteeism rates below 6.9 percent to earn credit through this avenue.

Alternatively, schools can meet the indicator by reducing their chronic absenteeism rates. While the concept is fine, Ohio’s improvement bar is so low that it can present persistent failure as success. For high-absenteeism districts—those with rates above 36.7 percent—all they need to do is reduce chronic absenteeism by 1.1 percentage points versus the year prior.[2] This abysmal standard lets schools off the hook. As Table 2 shows, several districts received full credit even though their chronic absenteeism rates were sky-high and only minimal reductions were made. The full-blown attendance crisis in Columbus was simply ignored just because the district’s absenteeism rate declined by a measly 1.6 percentage points. Note also the satisfactory mark inflated Columbus’ Gap Closing rating. Had it missed the chronic absenteeism indicator, it would have received one star, not two, on this component.

Table 2: Districts meeting the state’s chronic absenteeism indicator despite high rates of absenteeism and minimal reductions

Ohio report card - chronic absenteeism blog table 2
Note: Of the 46 districts with very high chronic absenteeism rates (above 36.7 percent), 19 met the chronic absenteeism indicator through the improvement alternative.

***

To combat the state’s attendance crisis, Ohio must tighten accountability for absenteeism. To this end, the Ohio Department of Education and Workforce should take immediate action to increase the required rate of annual reduction—5 percentage points seems reasonable—to meet the chronic absenteeism indicator.[3] This would raise state expectations for regular attendance, and heighten the urgency to reduce chronic absenteeism rates—something that state leaders have pledged to cut in half over the next few years. If the agency fails to act, state lawmakers should step in to raise the bar through legislation.

The report card remains one of the state’s key levers to drive improvement and align incentives to student learning goals, most notably around math and reading achievement but also, increasingly, attendance. A prolonged absenteeism crisis was not easily foreseeable a few years ago when the current system was being developed. But here we are. It’s time to raise standards for attendance by strengthening implementation of the chronic absenteeism report card indicator.


[1] If a district or school has fewer than 15 students in a particular group, then it is not accountable for its performance as a separate group and the number of points possible is reduced. The actual points possible for districts ranged from 22 to 74 in 2024–25, with the median district having 46 possible points.

[2] For districts with lower rates of chronic absenteeism (below 36.7 percent), the required rate of reduction is 3 percent. The use of a percent change, rather than percentage point change, for lower-absenteeism district appears to address a technical issue when baseline rates are lower (e.g., a 1.1 percentage point decrease is equivalent to a 10 percent decrease versus an 11 percent baseline rate).

[3] Relevant statute (ORC 3302.02 and 3302.03) and administrative rule OAC 3301-28-01/02 do not mention an improvement dimension for the chronic absenteeism indicator, so it appears the agency could change the rate of reduction at its discretion. Of the high-absenteeism districts, two registered declines greater than 5 percentage points last year (East Cleveland and Lockland).

Policy Priority:
Standards & Accountability
Topics:
Governance
Dale Chu
12.11.2025
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Our society is failing its most important task: fostering human flourishing. And schools aren’t helping. Far too many students graduate unprepared to think critically, navigate community, or develop the resilience needed to face life’s challenges. To be clear, many of these capacities aren’t fully captured by grades or tests, and efforts to broaden how we think about success are often well intentioned. The problem is that in expanding the definition, we’ve too often let go of the core.

Making matters worse, the metrics we do rely on to assess education quality—grades, graduation rates, and state assessments—paint a misleadingly rosy picture. A growing number of states have quietly tinkered with cut scores to create the illusion of proficiency. Meanwhile, official statements from state education agencies resemble the “this is fine” meme, sunny proclamations in the middle of a five-alarm fire.

Many observers warn that these shortcomings will only become more consequential as AI and automation take on a growing share of human labor. In a future where traditional work may become less central, human flourishing will depend even more on our ability to create meaning, sustain social bonds, and govern ourselves well. Schools play a critical role here: Strong foundations in academics and character equip students to think clearly, communicate effectively, and manage complex social and civic situations. Academic decline is therefore both a consequence and a cause of societal fragility—a vicious circle we risk amplifying unless schools prepare students to flourish now and in the decades ahead.

That dynamic is no longer theoretical. This disconnect between reported success and actual preparedness burst into public view with last month’s University of California San Diego report showing that hundreds of incoming freshmen—many of them straight-A high schoolers who took trigonometry and even calculus—need remedial support in math skills that are typically  taught in elementary and middle school. The findings broke out of the ed policy bubble and into the mainstream, drawing coverage and commentary from, among others, Kelsey Piper, Rose Horowitch, and Megan McArdle, whose Washington Post column put it bluntly: The signs of educational decline are now impossible to ignore.

McArdle’s assessment captured the crux of the matter:

Instead of rectifying disparities in preparation and achievement, people decided it would be simpler to adjust the measurements. Parents opposed standardized testing, got their kids disability diagnoses that allowed them extra time on tests and lobbied teachers to change bad grades. Exhausted teachers responded with grade inflation, which also helped conceal that low-income and minority kids weren’t doing as well as their richer and White peers. Progressive educators watered down curriculums, gutted gifted and talented programs, and weakened admissions standards for honors classes and magnet schools. Colleges dropped standardized testing requirements, in part because that made it easier to diversify their student body. None of these things happened everywhere, but they happened in many places, and all of them made it harder to see—or rectify—pandemic-era learning loss.

On his Plain English podcast, Derek Thompson describes this moment not as a series of isolated incidents or mere academic decline but as a structural unraveling. Widespread weakness in math, logic, and basic skills does more than shrink individual prospects. It undermines human flourishing itself. A society less able to reason, deliberate, and solve problems together is more vulnerable to polarization, mistrust, and civic breakdown.

This matters for schools because human flourishing is not just about what skills students will need, but what kind of people and institutions they will depend on. And right now, we’re not doing well on either front. If, in the AI age, traditional employment is no longer the default, the need for civic strength—shared norms, personal responsibility, functioning schools, and a foundation of common decency—will only intensify. Put simply, a society already rattled by institutional decay may not handle the stresses of technological and social change well.

How, then, should schools navigate these crosscurrents? A few practical implications follow:

1. Elementary schools should rethink the use of screens and focus unapologetically on the basics.

Literacy and numeracy remain the foundation of everything that follows. In a moment when screens increasingly crowd out sustained attention, these core skills matter more, not less. The battle for successful students is largely won or lost in the early years, and no amount of technology can compensate for shaky fundamentals. If AI is going to do more of the cognitive heavy lifting later in life, students will still need a strong baseline of reading, writing, and mathematical reasoning to avoid becoming passive consumers of machine-generated answers.

2. High schools need major reform.

We talk about “K–12” as if it were a single system, but grades 9–12 operate under different pressures, incentives, and cultural expectations than elementary and middle schools. They are credentialing factories, social sorting mechanisms, and increasingly performance venues for AI-assisted content. High schools are long overdue for a redesign that emphasizes real mastery over performative achievement and pushes students toward genuine readiness for life after high school, whether that means work, vocational training, or higher education. A good place to start would be a zero-based budgeting approach for high school course requirements, as proposed by my colleague Mike Petrilli.

3. The link between high school and higher ed is ripe for retooling.

Selective college admissions is now an arms race in which students use AI to polish their application essays while colleges use AI to screen them. At some point, one must ask: What are we doing? The entire high-school-to-college pipeline is predicated on assumptions about work and prosperity that may not hold. If college becomes less relevant—or at least less economically determinative—high schools will need to rethink their purpose, and colleges will need to reconsider how they evaluate applicants in a world where higher education is just one of several options.

4. Civic formation will matter more in a post-work world.

If fewer people work in the traditional sense, schools will inevitably bear some responsibility for shaping citizens capable of navigating a world with more free time, more technological mediation, and greater uncertainty. This doesn’t mean schools should try to shoulder every formative task—that would let families, communities, and civic institutions off the hook—but they do have a distinctive role in teaching habits of thought, resilience, and responsible decision-making that are hard to cultivate elsewhere.

The best approach is to focus on what schools are uniquely equipped to do: help students cultivate gratitude for the contributions of others, foster optimism without naivete, and encourage resilience in the face of real challenges. It means teaching them to engage thoughtfully with community and country, without indoctrination, and equipping them to navigate a culture that often emphasizes doom and gloom in ways that actively undermine their chances to flourish.

—

Even if AI and robotics displace more of our everyday lives, the need for human networks and connections only grows. Elon Musk, in a recent interview, remarked that students could still go to college, but “for social reasons.” It sounds flippant, but the subtext is important: Relationships, community, and social capital will matter more in a world where traditional work is no longer inevitable. The real test for schools is whether they will produce young people who feel capable, connected, and ready to participate or whether they deepen the despair already sapping the country’s confidence.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Curriculum & Instruction
Governance
Teachers & School Leaders
David Griffith, Ph.D. Jill Hoppe
12.11.2025
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Like the other elections that took place last month, the one that decided who would serve on the Albuquerque Public Schools Board was characterized by record turnout.

A decade ago, less than 7 percent of eligible voters participated in Albuquerque’s local school board elections. But things changed in 2019, after New Mexico moved its local elections from February to November. This year, initial counts suggest at least a third of eligible voters helped choose the individuals charged with overseeing—and perhaps improving—the city’s schools. That’s worth celebrating, even if we don’t love the outcome of this particular election.

In a 2021 Education Next survey, 39 percent of American adults said they didn’t know if their local school board members were elected (nearly all are), and another 5 percent said they were appointed (which isn’t typical). Yet, despite Americans’ confusion, local school boards decide how the hundreds of billions of dollars the U.S. devotes to K–12 education are spent, who becomes superintendent, and which reading, math, science, and social studies curricula local schools use.

Stakes like those should command the attention of parents and taxpayers. Yet, in practice, turnout for school board elections is often pitifully low. In Newark, New Jersey, where the public schools serve more than 40,000 students, only 2.8 percent of eligible voters cast a ballot in the 2024 school board election. Meanwhile, nearly 70 percent of Newark students are reading below grade level.

In a recent study conducted by Michael Hartney and David Houston and published by Fordham, Who’s on Board? School Boards and Political Representation in an Age of Conflict, we asked more than 5,000 school board members in more than 3,000 school districts across the country about their views on education issues such as school choice and curriculum.

The results confirm what many families feel: School boards are insulated from the communities they serve. For example, 25 percent of school board members are current or former public school teachers—a dynamic that can make hearings feel like internal staff meetings, albeit the kind that are periodically interrupted by angry parents.

Or consider the racial composition of boards. While the percentage of Americans who are white has declined by 10 percentage points since 2001, the percentage of White board members has risen ever-so-slightly. Meanwhile, the percentage who are Hispanic has barely budged, and the share who are Black has actually declined.

Strikingly, most board members admit that their elections aren’t competitive: Just one in five describe them as “vigorously contested.” Consequently, they also diverge from the public on major issues. For example, 75 percent of board members give their local schools an A or a B, compared to 51 percent of all U.S. adults. Meanwhile, just 29 percent of board members support charter schools, compared to 45 percent of the public.

This disconnect is not inevitable, but it is structural. Which means that fixing it requires more than a snappy campaign slogan or a good election cycle.

First and perhaps most importantly, the 36 states with “asynchronous” school board elections should follow New Mexico’s example and move them so they coincide with general elections, which have much higher turnout and are thus more representative.

Second, secretaries of state and local election offices should include school board elections in their official voter guides, so they are more visible to and accessible by voters who aren’t attending every local board meeting.

Finally, education reform groups and community organizations should actively recruit and support a broader, more representative pool of candidates who better reflect their increasingly diverse communities and their perspectives.

From budgets to bus routes, local school board elections have important consequences. Making them more democratic—by boosting turnout, helping voters who want to make informed decisions grasp the stakes, and ensuring that every community has a voice—is a messy but essential step towards public schools that work.

Editor’s note: This was first published by The 74.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Governance
Teachers & School Leaders
Preston Cooper
12.11.2025
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Students in short-term workforce education programs will soon get some help covering tuition costs. The recently-passed One Big Beautiful Bill Act expands Pell Grants to workforce programs as short as eight weeks or 150 clock hours in duration. Historically, federal funding for postsecondary education has skewed toward traditional degree programs. The new Workforce Pell Grants level the playing field, helping more students access high-quality workforce education and fill needed jobs.

Workforce Pell Grants also contain a great policy innovation: Funds may only go to programs that deliver strong economic outcomes. To qualify for grants, a program must ensure that its graduates’ earnings three years after completion exceed 150 percent of the federal poverty line ($23,475 in 2025) plus the price of tuition. Programs that leave students earning low wages cannot qualify.

A new report by Peter Riley Bahr and Rooney Columbus highlights the importance of the accountability system in Workforce Pell. Bahr and Columbus analyze nearly 130,000 students who enrolled in short-term, noncredit programs offered by community colleges in Texas. They observe students’ earnings before and after enrollment to discern whether the workforce education program produces a boost in wages.

1

Source: Bahr & Columbus (2025)

Overall, enrolling in a workforce program leads to a $2,160 annualized increase in earnings above trend, or about a 4 percent raise. But the results vary considerably depending on the type of workforce program. Just as the returns to a four-year college degree are contingent on your major, the returns to workforce education depend on your field of study.

Workforce programs in the transportation field (mostly commercial vehicle operation) led to an annualized earnings increase of nearly $12,000. Students in engineering technologies programs—which include occupational safety technology, petroleum technology, and manufacturing engineering technology—saw a salary increase of over $6,000.

But students in other fields fared worse. Changes in earnings for cosmetology students, business students, and communications and design students were statistically indistinguishable from zero. Even welding—which typically provides a decent return for longer-duration programs—seems to have less economic value for shorter-term courses. Other fields like education and protective services saw only small increases in earnings.

To be sure, not all the programs that Bahr and Columbus analyzed would be eligible for Workforce Pell Grants. Only one-fifth of the courses in the authors’ dataset exceed the 150-clock-hour minimum to qualify for funds (the average duration was around 90 clock hours). But those which would qualify for grants posted stronger outcomes. For students in courses lasting 150 to 300 clock hours, earnings rose by $4,800 per year, compared to $2,160 for the full sample.

The report also provides context on why workforce education programs are so appealing. The 90-hour average duration is ideal for workers who want to gain additional skills but can’t take extended time off to return to school. Community colleges also offer workforce programs year-round, rather than tying them to academic semesters, so workers can enroll when it suits them.

Bahr and Columbus’s findings highlight the opportunity of Workforce Pell Grants—and the importance of strong guardrails. Short-term workforce education can be a pathway to higher wages, but the particular field of study matters. That’s why the accountability framework attached to Workforce Pell Grants will be so critical to the success of the program: It will ensure that federal funding only flows to courses of the highest quality.

Editor’s note: This was first published by the American Enterprise Institute.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Accountability & Testing
Career & Technical Education
Chester E. Finn, Jr.
12.10.2025
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I first glimpsed Rod Paige a few days after Bush 43 was inaugurated when Rod and the President both strode into the East Room—no giant gilded ballrooms back then—to announce their plans for what became No Child Left Behind. In my memory they were both wearing cowboy boots. (I’m almost certain Rod was.)

He of course was fresh from his previous post as Superintendent of Houston schools and already an education hero for me because of the support he provided Mike Feinberg and Dave Levin, starting back in 1994, in turning KIPP from a bold idea into the most celebrated early charter-school success. And then he helped other charter starters. And then more. All this in a vast city at a time when nearly all his peers around the country would rather vomit than say charter and rather sit on a porcupine than advance school choice in any way. Charters were new then, few existed; Texas allowed for them but only feisty, forward-looking entrepreneurs who cared about kids had the gumption to launch them—and Rod was probably the only Lone Star superintendent who actively encouraged them. He could see the promise for kids who needed it. But that wasn’t all. He and a remarkable team, backed by a great board and key community leaders, also launched a dozen important reforms for kids within the system, too.

Visionary. Leader. Passionate/compassionate educator. Bold. So much more. No wonder W turned to him to help transform the nation’s K–12 system. No wonder Rod said yes. No wonder NCLB came about swiftly—in the immediate aftermath of 9/11—and no wonder Rod fast-tracked it into implementation. And then presided over an amazing team at USDOE through W’s first term, a time when America’s schools made remarkable progress, especially for our neediest kids.

After which—I’m honored to recall—Rod agreed to Mike Petrilli’s and my plea that he join the Fordham board. Where he distinguished himself for 18 great years, invariably a source of wisdom and well-founded skepticism, as well as encouragement, humor, and true friendship. He always wanted to know if something we had in mind would help kids, especially the kids who need help. How would we know if it worked? Was there a better way to go about it? Had we thought about the practicalities, as well as the theory and the data? If we wanted to close a low-performing charter school in our role as authorizer, where would the children go? And so much more.

We were sad when age caused him to depart our board a few years ago, but we’ve stayed in touch ever since. We’ve been helping some gifted folks begin to work on a proper biographical tribute.

Because that’s the other thing about Rod. His career story already belongs to America. But his life story is just as amazing, from childhood in segregated Mississippi to the nation’s 7th EdSec—not to mention civil rights pioneer, super football coach, and ed-school dean. This isn’t the place to recount it in full. But recount and recall it we must. For it makes him more of an American hero than almost anybody appreciates.

We miss you, Rod, cowboy boots and all. We will continue to miss you. We thank you for your service—to us and to the children and educators of America—and for your friendship. May you rest in peace.

Policy Priority:
High Expectations
Topics:
Governance
Teachers & School Leaders
Jeff Murray
12.10.2025
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  1. As widely expected, the appointed board of Cleveland Metropolitan School District voted (unanimously) yesterday to accept the school closure and consolidation plan proposed by mayor Justin Bibb and district CEO Warren Morgan. It was virtually unchanged from its original version and will result, among other things, in the closure of 23 underutilized buildings. There’s no timeline provided for the actual implementation, but given how quickly the plan was released, debated, and adopted, one assumes it will all happen sooner rather than later. Incredible work by all involved to solve a big problem with what appears to be minimal fuss. (Cleveland.com, 12/9/25) There’s also no mention in the foregoing clip of what will be done with the buildings once they are closed. As I have said many times before, closing schools is just the first step. The only way CMSD really gets any relief from its ginormous budget problems—which is the point—is by selling all or most of them as quickly as possible. While we know that charter school operators are supposed to get first crack at any closed buildings being sold, we also know that a) it doesn’t always happen that way, despite state law, and b) some of those buildings will be unappealing to charter or private schools for various reasons. That’s why this national Center Square piece is so timely: Turns out Ohio is one of the top states in the country at turning closed school buildings into apartments, with Columbus being the poster child of the Buckeye State. The unstated irony, as I know all six of you dedicated Gadfly Bites subscribers know, is that some of those Ohio apartment conversions (and indeed other “public” uses that eventuated) only happened because of insider deals designed to keep interested charters from grabbing closed schools in the first place. But let’s focus on the positive here, shall we? There will be should be hopefully will be more than enough closed school buildings on the market in Cleveland to go to any charter operators, private schools, and apartment developers who might want them. I know Clevelanders are mighty competitive and despite my Cbus roots, I believe The Land can successfully boost the numbers of all three types of reuses above whatever Columbus has done so far. Here’s the chance for them to prove it! (Center Square, 12/9/25)

  2. Meanwhile, we have a much more typical version of “responding to financial challenges” coming to us from Toledo. We first discussed on Monday how Toledo City Schools has suddenly become aware of a looming budget crater on the horizon. It should have been obvious to anyone paying attention due to years of steady student enrollment loss, but, again, let’s try to stay positive and assume district officials and their supporters were really as taken aback as they say they were. That would also be the more-generous explanation as to why they are lashing out against irrelevant boogiemen and why their initial proposals to fix the problem seem so ill-thought-out. One case in point: The proposal to move the whole district to a four-day week, which superintendent Romules Durant here likens to a sort of permanent vacation state. “When you come back to work after a three-day weekend, don’t you feel more refreshed?” he asks rhetorically. “We think we will have better employees, teachers, and students.” (Toledo Blade, 12/9/25) Also on the boss’s mind: Becoming more “competitive”, to attract students away from the competition. “The traditional model for public schools needs to change,” he says in this piece. “TPS already has plenty of magnet schools but that would expand in this new plan.” The four-day school week and a proposal to outsource social services are also part of that putative competitive edge: “What it is, is TPS not trying to be all. It’s TPS doing all with partners who are experts in those lanes who can provide those services at the same level or maybe even higher level because that’s what they do.” Story developing, as they say in the biz. (13 ABC News, Toledo, 12/9/25)

  3. And budget problems are not just impacting school districts these days either. The City of Columbus is, for the moment, unable to commit the funds it originally promised for the city’s “Columbus Promise” scholarship program. We can debate the merits of the thing in the first place (your humble clips compiler did not originally and still does not find it all that helpful or valuable—especially since it only applied to district students anyway, a perennial bugbear for me in these things), but any prolonged public dustup over it, no matter how it turns out, will unfortunately reflect badly on Columbus City Schools. While they’ve got lots of things to angst over right now, this should not be one of them. It has nothing to do with the district itself, nor its students or parents. Rather, this is all about politics—the mayor, the city council, and the institution receiving whatever funds end up getting committed—and here’s hoping any further reportage will emphasize that fact strongly. Or, to be more positive, perhaps it will all just go away entirely really fast and no one will speak of it again. (Columbus Dispatch, 12/9/25)

  4. After slogging through the preceding clips, it seems almost quaint for us to end on a story about student transportation. Ah the good old days… Youngstown City Schools discontinued busing for high school students back in 2024. Not in order to save money, per se, but because they couldn’t maintain consistent staffing levels due to chronic driver absenteeism. However, as a school zoning reconfiguration plan comes together for the 2026-27 school year, the elected board members are hatching a plan to reinstate busing for high schoolers…which would of course include charter and private school students as well. Let’s stay positive for now and see what happens. (Vindy.com, 12/10/25)

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Policy Priority:
School Funding
Topics:
Governance
Jeff Murray
12.8.2025
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  1. Philip Derrow, a former elected school board member from here in central Ohio, opines on the negative downstream effects of “K-12 schools’ failure to effectively teach” both reading and math skills at a foundational level. And he’s got plenty of data and examples to back himself up. Very scary. I’m convinced. Thing is, this has been the case for many years—long before the pandemic accelerated the deleterious trends already underway—and so the knowledge-poor future he lays out for current students is actually already here for millions of former K-12 students in Ohio and elsewhere; especially those who couldn’t access any better educational options at the time. (Columbus Dispatch, 12/8/25) But what do current elected school board members say is their top concern? “The expanded universal private school voucher program that is devastating the long-range viability of public education.” So says Denis Smith, a former state education department staffer, who got an earful from those elected board members after doing a couple of shifts minding the voucher groucher booth at the Ohio School Boards Association’s annual gathering last month. (Ohio Capital Journal, 12/7/25) I’m sure that all seven of you dedicated Gadfly Bites subscribers know that these two pieces are directly related, but I would not expect either Mr. Derrow or Mr. Smith to have figured that out—even with the perfect juxtaposition of them appearing in news outlets at the same time—let alone all those elected school board members who are directly responsible for both the low-quality instruction AND families’ exodus therefrom.

  2. Relatedly, we learned late on Friday that Toledo City Schools is next on the list of districts that have to face the music for not right-sizing their footprint and staffing levels before now, based on steadily-shrinking enrollment over many years. There are several items on the list of possible responses to the impending fiscal cliff—including instituting a four-day school week—none of which actually address the continued decline in the number of students they are (or will be) required to serve. (WTOL-TV, Toledo, 12/5/25) Just like those elected school board members at the voucher groucher convention in the clip above, local state Rep. Paula Hicks-Hudson was quick to blame the district’s problem on everyone else. “I do think that they’ve been trying to manage their revenue and things like that,” Hicks-Hudson said of the district, with no evidence that the “trying” has led to any actual realistic “managing” of shrinking revenue due to fewer students enrolling. “But this is, unfortunately, I think, the result of the continuing assault by the legislature on public education.” But which she means vouchers, in case you for some reason weren’t sure. (WTOL-TV, Toledo, 12/5/25)

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Policy Priority:
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Topics:
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