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Natalie Wexler
1.9.2026
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Editor’s note: This was first published on the author's Substack, Minding the Gap. 

Adopting a truly knowledge-building elementary curriculum—one that is rich in content, including topics in social studies and science—is crucial for improving students’ education outcomes. But no matter how well-constructed a curriculum is, it’s possible for districts and schools to implement it in a way that doesn’t work well. And that happens surprisingly often.

A new study from SRI analyzed reading instruction in four large districts that had been using effective knowledge-building curricula for several years, long enough to figure out how to implement a curriculum well. And yet the researchers found that most reading comprehension instruction—about two-thirds of the lessons observed—supported “surface-level” rather than “robust” understanding.

According to the definitions the researchers used, “surface-level” comprehension instruction focuses on “completing tasks”—often the kinds of tasks laid out in state literacy standards, like describing the setting in a story or explaining how an author uses evidence in an informational text.

“Robust” comprehension instruction, in contrast, might have students engage in some of those tasks, but the focus is on the overall meaning of the text. In other words, instead of using a text to teach a skill, a lesson that leads to robust comprehension puts the text in the foreground, bringing in whatever skills might help students understand and analyze that text.

As one illustration of the difference between surface-level and robust instruction, the study describes two third-grade lessons on the same book, One Giant Leap, about Neil Armstrong’s moon landing. In one classroom, the teacher guided students to identify literal and nonliteral language in the text—a skill matching a literacy standard—and stopped there. In the other, the teacher not only helped students identify literal and nonliteral language but also asked them what Armstrong meant when he described his first step on the moon as “one giant leap for mankind.”

The researchers observed comprehension lessons in 111 classrooms, nearly all of them third- to fifth-grade, focusing on a group of representative schools in each district. The study, conducted during the 2024–25 school year, also involved teacher surveys; interviews with teachers, district and school leaders, and instructional coaches; and observations of professional development sessions.

The study is “methodologically one of the strongest observational studies” of comprehension instruction in the last 50 years, according to the report, and its findings should be applicable nationwide. Those findings also echo a recent meta-analysis of observational studies of comprehension instruction done between 1980 and 2023, which found a similar gap between scientific research on comprehension and classroom practice.

Why so much surface-level instruction?

An obvious question is why teachers are focusing on “tasks” rather than the meaning of texts, even when using curricula with rich content. Are those curricula oriented around skills-focused standards, or are teachers changing the lessons to make them skills-focused?

The SRI study wasn’t designed to address that question. The researchers are planning to look into it more deeply in the future.

But evidence from the study—along with observations by the researchers and by an education consultant who has worked with numerous districts on implementing knowledge-building curricula—points to a likely answer: Many teachers are modifying content-rich curricula to put skills-based standards in the foreground rather than content.

The curricula used by the districts in the study were Core Knowledge Language Arts (CKLA), Wit & Wisdom, and EL Education, all of which have been rated highly by the Knowledge Matters Campaign.[i] (I serve on the board of the Knowledge Matters Campaign’s parent organization, a nonprofit.)

One finding from the study is that the curriculum a district was using didn’t determine how many comprehension lessons were surface-level rather than robust. Two of the districts used CKLA, and one of them had the lowest percentage of robust lessons, 7 percent, while the other had the second highest, 30 percent. That suggests that implementation rather than curriculum is responsible for the dearth of robust comprehension instruction.

And according to a companion report from SRI, 47 percent of teachers said they modified half or more of a comprehension lesson, compared to only 13 percent who said they did so with a lesson in foundational reading skills like phonics. That report also found that many teachers viewed the comprehension aspect of their curriculum as more difficult to implement, saying the texts were “too dense” and complex for their students.

Kristen McQuillan, a consultant who has worked with districts implementing knowledge-building curricula, says that from her observations, it’s clear the curricula themselves aren’t the reason so many lessons are surface-level. In many cases, she says, “teachers are changing the curriculum in pursuit of how to help kids master the standards.”

“Unpacking the standards”

Teachers aren’t necessarily doing this on their own initiative. McQuillan has seen a “system-level confusion about how to interpret and use standards, which can show up in district expectations, coaching practices, and even sometimes in professional learning sessions.” While some PL providers are working to keep the focus on texts and meaning, she said, others will “unpack the standards and talk about how to remediate where kids are struggling.”

She gave the example of a professional learning provider advising teachers on how to modify a lesson on Don Quixote in CKLA. The lesson plan in the curriculum might list as one of the objectives analyzing Don Quixote’s character by looking at his actions in the chapter. That’s fine, McQuillan said.

But, she continued, “the provider might say, ‘this is only partially aligned to the standard.’” The provider might then urge teachers to make the objective of the lesson “for kids to master the skill of identifying character traits.”

One problem is that identifying character traits isn’t a skill you can “master.” It will be easier or harder depending on the particular text. Another, McQuillan said, is that kids can get confused if the lesson objective is too “meta.” And if the focus is on the general topic of identifying character traits, “they don’t even have to talk about the text itself.”

Similarly, the SRI researchers observed a professional learning meeting in which teachers took a CKLA lesson about art patronage by merchants and clergy during the Renaissance and turned it into one focused primarily on the task of creating a Venn diagram.

Tests and “data-driven instruction”

Educators often identify the standards they feel instruction should focus on based on “benchmark” testing data—standardized tests given periodically that are supposed to predict how students will perform on end-of-year state reading tests.

Like the state assessments, these tests present students with reading passages unrelated to anything they might have learned through the curriculum and provide teachers with data framed entirely in terms of the skills in literacy standards. They might tell teachers that students are weak in a skill like identifying the main idea of a text, when in fact the student might not have understood the text because of a lack of relevant background knowledge.

Schools often pride themselves on this kind of “data-driven instruction,” or DDI. But data-driven instruction makes sense only if the data are telling you something meaningful.

“While data-driven instruction is generally a good idea,” the SRI report notes, “it also can lead to unhelpful practices that reinforce surface-level instruction.”

McQuillan said that data from standardized tests should drive some kinds of instruction but not others. “You can say a student has ‘mastered’ short vowel sounds or math facts. But anything conceptual, that’s going to send you down the wrong path.” She added, “There are outdated DDI protocols that have been updated in some circles, but not everyone has gotten the message.”

How to encourage robust instruction

What can districts and schools do to help ensure that instruction fosters robust comprehension? The SRI report identifies several steps, including deepening teachers’ content knowledge by having them dig into the texts their students will be reading.

Knowledge-building curricula often cover topics that teachers might have forgotten or might never have learned about themselves, like the evolutionary adaptations of frogs or the War of 1812. It’s hard to guide students in mining a text for deep meaning when you’re unsure of that meaning yourself.

The SRI report also recommends having teachers observe model lessons, perhaps through videos. In addition, it suggests ensuring that instructional coaches understand the content and the texts in the curriculum and have the pedagogical knowledge to guide teachers to effective instruction.

McQuillan has observed that districts often focus so much professional learning on foundational skills instruction that there’s little time to cover reading comprehension. Ideally, she said, when PL does focus on comprehension, it will begin with the text students will be reading and anticipate issues for which the curriculum itself might not provide guidance.

Teachers should read the text themselves, she said, and discuss “what will be tricky in it for kids, what do kids stand to gain from reading this text?” Then they can talk about how to pace the lesson for their particular students and how to address their confusion or misunderstandings. That kind of support could allay teachers’ concerns that some texts are too difficult for their students.

Standards-based comprehension tests

McQuillan also identifies standards-based assessment of comprehension skills as a key obstacle to robust instruction in that area. “Assessments aren’t the only thing,” she said, “but they’re one big contributing factor.”

One problem is that standardized assessments don’t provide much information beyond a general—and fairly meaningless—pronouncement such as “this student is not on grade level for making inferences.” McQuillan said the data should tell teachers whether a student is having trouble with basic decoding or reading fluency—or comprehension.

If it’s comprehension, it would be helpful for teachers to know how complex the text was and if certain kinds of text are trickier for a particular student than others. Maybe a child does fine with narrative but struggles with informational text.

A more fundamental problem is that standardized reading tests purport to measure mastery of the standards in the abstract, which is virtually impossible. But all knowledge-building curricula come with their own assessments that measure whether students have retained information from the curriculum and how well they can reason about or analyze it.

In some districts, leaders and principals advise teachers to pay attention to those assessments rather than the standardized ones, McQuillan said. That emphasis leads to instruction that focuses on the meaning of texts rather than on standards-related tasks.

content-rich curriculum is still crucial

McQuillan says there are districts that are implementing content-rich curricula in a way that guides students to deeper understanding—and the SRI study did find that about a quarter of lessons in the districts they studied were accomplishing that. At the same time, though, most districts in the U.S. are still using curricula designed to put literacy standards in the foreground rather than any particular text or content. As a result, the content in those curricula is generally quite thin.

I’ve spoken with educators using such curricula who are trying to do the opposite of what seems to be happening in many districts using content-rich curricula: They’re modifying standards-focused lesson plans so that they center on texts and content, which usually requires supplementing the curriculum with additional texts. But given the pressures to “teach the standards,” even in districts with content-rich curriculum, it’s likely that most teachers in districts with standards-focused curricula are engaging only in surface-level instruction.

So while content-rich, knowledge-building curriculum doesn’t guarantee robust instruction, it’s crucial to enabling that kind of instruction to happen. Professional learning is also vital, for coaches and administrators as well as teachers. But, as McQuillan noted, “you have to have curriculum to ground the professional learning in.”

And as the SRI report observes, students—and their teachers—appear to enjoy robust lessons more than surface-level ones. “Helping teachers engineer instruction that facilitates more robust understanding of texts,” the researchers conclude, “might not only improve students’ comprehension achievement but also create more joyful classrooms.”


[i] The ratings of the Knowledge Matters Campaign are more reliable than those of EdReports, which are unfortunately more widely used. In recent years, EdReports has given high ratings for knowledge-building to some curricula that don’t deserve them and mediocre ratings to some curricula that are effective in that area.

The Education Gadfly
1.9.2026
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WHAT WE’RE READING

“The Massachusetts vocational high-school system, more than a century old and among the oldest in the U.S., has become a coveted pathway—driven in part, counterintuitively, by teens who end up going to college.” —Roshan Fernandez, Wall Street Journal


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

Click here to subscribe for:

  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

The Education Gadfly
1.9.2026
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Cheers:

Amelia Pak-Harvey traces decades of education reform efforts in Indianapolis, where longstanding, bipartisan support for charter schools led to last month’s recommendation for a mayoral-appointed board that finally puts charters and district schools on the same level. —Chalkbeat

—

The editorial boards of both the Wall Street Journal and the Colorado Springs Gazette praise Democrat governor Jared Polis’s decision to participate in the One Big Beautiful Bill’s tax credit scholarship program despite opposition from the left.

—

Speaking of leadership, Gov. Mike DeWine continues to promote evidence-backed reading strategies for Ohio’s students. Last month, he announced results from an audit of teacher prep programs, calling out several universities that missed benchmarks meant to ensure compliance with the state’s science of reading law. —Avery Kreemer, Dayton Daily News

Jeers:

Meg Drennan reports on the troubling rise of sports betting among high schoolers—especially boys—and how legalized gambling combined with video game-style apps make it easy to get addicted and easy to hide from parents and teachers (even when they are placing bets from the classroom). —Bethesda Magazine

—

Inglewood Unified School District, just east of Los Angeles, has been in receivership for years. The community’s ongoing struggles hold lessons for districts nationwide facing complicated decisions surrounding declining enrollment and gentrification, but the Guardian’s reporting cherry-picks evidence and sources to vilify charters and the state’s efforts to improve local schools. —Victoria Clayton, The Guardian


Editor's note: This was first published on Mike Petrilli's Substack, SCHOOLED, a twice-weekly free Substack and email newsletter restarting the education-reform conversation.

Click here to subscribe for:

  • Sharp analysis of the week’s biggest K–12 debates

  • Curated commentary from across the ed-policy world

  • Lively discussion—including reader reactions and pushback

Jeff Murray
1.9.2026
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News stories featured in Gadfly Bites may require a paid subscription to read in full. Just sayin’.

  1. Not much to talk about today, but I found this item amusing enough to clip. Apparently, the Spanish Immersion School run by Mansfield City Schools is so awesome, says parent Jessica Hiser, that people she tells about it immediately assume it’s a charter school rather than a district program. I know she means this as a sincere compliment, but I reckon it’s a backhander at best. (Ohio Newsroom, 1/5/26)

  2. I also reckon that any confusion over the Mansfield Spanish Immersion school’s governance comes less from its programming (regardless of quality) and more from the fact that it is located in an open-enrollment district, its enrollment process is 100 percent choice, and families from “around the region” are making the affirmative decision to attend, per Conor Morris’ reporting. Apropos of all my reckonings above, here’s a reminder that the awesome folks from School Choice Ohio are hosting a central-Ohio-area school choice fair on January 24 at the Columbus Zoo. We are told that in the press release that more than 46 charter, private, and district schools (and probably one STEM school, too, which is unmentioned—but we’ll let that be a delightful surprise for fair-goers) will be there to tout their offerings, make their pitches, and answer questions. ¡Hurra! (PR Newswire, 1/9/25)

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Policy Priority:
School Funding
Topics:
Governance
Jeff Murray
1.8.2026
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WELCOME BACK TO OUR FIRST EDITION OF 2026.

THIS IS A WRAP UP OF ALL THE CHARTER NEWS YOU CAN USE FOR THE FINAL WEEKS OF 2025.
WE’LL RESUME REGULAR WEEKLY PUBLICATION FOR 2026 TOMORROW.

Stories featured in Ohio Charter News Weekly may require a paid subscription to read in full.

Apropos

The International Academy of Columbus is on the grow! The K-8 charter school currently serves more than 300 students, focusing on students who speak English as a second language. Very appropriately, their future space is the former home of one of the first Japanese restaurants established in Columbus, which closed in December after nearly 40 years.

Transparency?

On December 3, the Ohio Ethics Commission voted to require charter school governing board members to file full financial disclosure statements beginning in 2026. This move reignited a familiar debate about accountability in public education. Transparency in the use of public dollars is vital, but Fordham’s Vice President for Ohio Policy argues that this new effort singles out charter school board members, despite the fact that most traditional district board members do not face the same requirement. “True accountability,” he concludes, “is not about imposing different rules on different types of public schools. It is about setting clear, consistent expectations—and holding everyone to them.”

Dynamics

Just before the end of 2025, a group of leaders in Indianapolis presented their final proposal to the state legislature to fully operationalize a unified education infrastructure in the capital city. Among the various components are shared funding, a drive to close underenrolled schools, and a single transportation system to serve district, charter, and private school students equally. This coverage of the plan focuses on power dynamics—as in “districts lose power and charters gain power”—but the details provided clearly show an effort to revise K-12 governance and operations to reflect the enrollment dynamics that have been evolving in Indy for many years. Next steps in this groundbreaking process are unclear, but they will likely be taken by the legislature this year.

Questions

There appears to have been some initial concern from at least one national charter school leader that a plan to move parts of the federal Department of Education’s portfolio into the Department of Labor in an effort to dismantle the DOE could stall or reverse the growth of the charter sector. At least that is the message from this piece looking at leaked emails from National Alliance for Public Charter Schools CEO Starlee Coleman. After meeting with the Labor Secretary, Coleman believes that the charter sector “will be fine under this administration.”

Looking ahead

The West Virginia Supreme Court has docketed an appeal to a lower court ruling banning new state-approved charter schools without voter approval and issued a scheduling order establishing deadlines for initial filings in the case. These deadlines extend into June of 2026, so no changes to the existing injunction will likely occur before then.

*****

Did you know you can have every edition of the Ohio Charter News Weekly sent directly to your Inbox? Subscribe by clicking here.

Policy Priority:
School Choice
Topics:
Charter Schools
Dale Chu
1.8.2026
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For years, “knowing what time it is” has circulated on the right as a kind of political shibboleth, coming into sharp relief with the “Flight 93 election” and later popularized by figures like Russell Vought, the current director of the Office of Management and Budget. The phrase is meant to distinguish self-described post-liberals from more traditional conservatives (i.e., those aligned with Reagan and Bush) who are seen as still believing that the old rules of American politics apply, that institutions can be trusted to muddle through incrementally, and crucially, that the country is not on the brink of existential collapse. To “know the time” implies an aggressive antipathy toward federal bureaucracy and a belief that the left wields vast, entrenched power. In education policy, that posture has made the U.S. Department of Education a recurring target.

Those who “know the time” often view schools as beyond salvation, demand an all-or-nothing purge, and are fixated on preempting perceived ideological threats—whether a pro-trans agenda, controversial campus policies, or other culture war flashpoints—rejecting the slow, painstaking work of gradual reform.

In an uncanny parallel, not knowing what time it is now finds a literal expression in New York City schools. The recent ban on smartphones has brought attention to the fact that some students cannot read analog clocks. As one high school English teacher in Manhattan lamented:

The constant refrain is “Miss, what time is it?” It’s a source of frustration because everyone wants to know how many minutes are left in class… It finally got to the point where I started saying, “Where’s the big hand and where’s the little hand?”

Could there be a more glaring indictment of our education system’s failure to instill rudimentary skills or to keep students engaged in learning? Versions of this story have surfaced repeatedly over the past decade, including reports involving college students. There have been many shifts since Millennials and Gen Xers were in school—away from mental arithmetic, timed math drills, and memorized multiplication tables and toward looser, less structured approaches—but too often these routines faded without a serious reckoning over their value. Telling time looks less like an outdated relic than a casualty of a broader drift away from rigor and mastery.

It would be easy to dismiss this as trivial or just treat it as a proxy for larger cultural battles. But the more important lesson is about priorities. Schools today face immense external pressures—from technology, AI, and other societal changes—but those forces do not absolve them of the responsibility to be clear about what students must know and be able to do.

When students emerge from school without basic competencies, parents naturally begin to wonder what schools are prioritizing and whether the fundamentals are being inculcated at all. The analog clock is simply the latest emblem of these gaps. Just as the Constitution places our most cherished liberties on a high shelf, difficult to damage during moments of populist passion, so too should education place foundational skills beyond the reach of dubious trends or even well-intentioned experiments.

Taken together, the figurative and literal “time” problems feed each other. A populace that lacks basic competencies is more vulnerable to polarization, mistrust, and civic breakdown, but the damage is not confined to what people know. It also shows up in how they speak. The language of “knowing what time it is” does more than signal urgency. It licenses coarseness. It encourages a style of politics in which disagreement is treated as moral failure, institutions are seen as enemies, and restraint is equated with naïveté. Over time, that posture hardens into habit. Profanity, derision, and cruelty become normalized not because they persuade, but because they cease to shock and are accepted as routine.

As Ismar Volić, a professor of mathematics at Wellesley College, explains:

Misleading statistics, sham metrics, cooked numbers, and erroneous alternative science herald a precipitous decline of rigorous thinking, starting with the erosion and weaponization of that rigor’s foundation—mathematics… Whether these numbers are manipulated, fabricated, or real, both sides of the aisle deploy them to elicit an emotional response from us… Greater numeracy leads to greater agency in political decision making and can make us better consumers of democracy.

At the same time, a political movement convinced that institutions are beyond repair becomes more susceptible to social upheaval and less committed to the temperance, continuity, and procedural norms that protect liberal democracy itself. In K–12 education, the same impulse treats innovation as a virtue and traditional competencies as obstacles to progress rather than prerequisites for it. America’s education system does not suffer from a lack of ambition; it suffers from a lack of competence.

If anything, the clock story is best read as yet another warning. Foundational skills can erode quietly, and the consequences are easy to dismiss—until it’s too late. Many young staffers in Washington today have never known a world outside of performative politics, where their bosses preen on social media, squabble on TV, or stage spectacles rather than doing the dull, tedious work of legislating. That muscle memory—the discipline, patience, respect for process, and even for one another—has already atrophied. If schools fail to instill the fundamentals—numeracy, literacy, decency, integrity—the vicious cycle of decline will continue, leaving an entire generation habituated to civic callousness and contempt.

Thibaut Delloue
1.8.2026
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Speaking on The Education Exchange podcast recently, 50CAN president Derrell Bradford argued that charter schools have lost sight of their early promise as a “vehicle for experimentation” in public education. We have “lost the spirit to try new things,” Bradford contends, calling on the charter sector to recommit itself to innovation.

I agree with Bradford that innovation is important, in that we should continually seek to innovate how we operate the public schoolhouse—which charter schools are perfectly positioned to do. In charter terms, innovation can rescue us from the archaic way school districts operate—the “grammar” or “invisible architecture” of schooling: how students are grouped into classrooms, how those classrooms are physically organized, or how assessments are designed and delivered.

But when it comes to pedagogy, the charter movement should be careful not to confuse “innovative” with “experimental.” Against the backdrop of our students’ veritable academic crisis, now is not the moment for charters to experiment with educational models. Instead, charter operators and authorizers should commit themselves to what we know will steer students toward academic recovery.

There are many examples of programs designed to attract “innovative” schools to districts across the country, from Indiana’s Innovation Network Schools to New York City’s Innovation Zone. Yet these are rarely a panacea for improving educational outcomes. I worked at a Public School of Innovation myself in North Charleston, South Carolina. Like many “innovation” schools under increased pressure to produce academic results, we resorted to the familiar reform playbook: a high-expectations culture, frequent teacher coaching and professional development, more testing, and the relentless pursuit of student data.

These measures were certainly not innovative, but for administrators facing the budgetary and operational constraints of all low-income public schools, sticking to what works is the more sensible path. I doubt my principal would have sought more “experimental” solutions to improving our students’ outcomes.

Bradford is right to suggest that charters aren’t living up to their potential for innovation, but is that such a bad thing? When it comes to the education they deliver, the best charter schools can hardly be said to be “experimental.” Instead, they generally stick to the tried and true, such as strong teacher development and high-quality curricula. Rick Hess put it more bluntly, suggesting that “students would benefit if we simply banned adults involved in education from using the term ‘innovation’ and insisted they be specific about what’s not working and what needs to change.”

In fruitful charter environments, “specialization” might be a better watchword than “innovation.” Classical charter schools, for example, aren’t “innovative” in an experimental sense—they harken back to a once-ubiquitous pedagogical approach that emphasizes knowledge-rich curricula rooted in the Western literary canon. The leader of a Florida classical charter school recently winced when I referred to district schools as “traditional.” “We’re the ones who are traditional,” she told me. Yet classical charters have exploded in popularity and have been enormously successful in states like Florida and Texas.

Florida also has the largest number of specialized charter schools for students with disabilities in the country. I have yet to meet a parent of a student with special needs, however, who is seeking a more experimental school for their child. Like with all parents, they want the best education and the best services for their children—something many feel they are not getting in district-run schools.

Indeed, the problem with American education is not that it hasn’t been “innovative” enough in the education it delivers to students. American public schools, E.D. Hirsch has long argued, have pursued a pedagogical model loosely descended from the “child-centered” and very much untraditional ideas of John Dewey. The pursuit of faddish approaches to education—such as the abject failure of the whole language theory of literacy instruction—contributed to the decline of American public education in the first place. Paulo Freire, who authored one of the favorite texts of professors of education, never had to run his own school, after all.

Although charters should always innovate how schools are operated, innovation as “experimentation” is not the remedy for America’s pedagogy problem. Education is, at its core, a backward-looking institution—the transmitting of knowledge and skills from one generation to the next. In fact, what’s old is frequently new again in education, be it the rediscovery of phonics, of background knowledge, or of vocational education. If policymakers and charter authorizers want to look for the “next big thing,” they would be better advised to read E.D. Hirsch or Booker T. Washington than to take a chance on the latest experiment.

Bruno V. Manno
1.8.2026
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If you’re a policymaker, district leader, or reporter trying to follow education research, it can feel like drinking from multiple fire hoses at once. One week brings a bold new claim about dual enrollment. Next week, there’s a re-analysis of charter school impacts or a skeptical take on short-term workforce credentials. Meanwhile, state and federal leaders are making billion-dollar bets on exactly these programs, often guided by partial evidence, dated syntheses, or the loudest advocates.

Into that gap steps a new tool with an ambitious mission. It’s called the Live Handbook of Education Policy Research, a digital, constantly updated reference edited by Tulane economist Douglas Harris and published by the Association for Education Finance and Policy (AEFP). It’s been described as a “Wikipedia of K–12 research.” But this one is written and vetted by leading scholars and aimed squarely at practitioners and policymakers.

The handbook’s purpose is straightforward but overdue. It will provide comprehensive, rigorous, objective, and useful reviews of research on major education policy topics. Comprehensive means the chapters pull together the most relevant work across methods and disciplines, rather than relying on a few favored studies. Rigorous means not all studies are treated as equal; authors weigh the strongest causal evidence more heavily. Objective means considering multiple perspectives and connecting the outcomes that researchers study with the educational values they embody, including the level of confidence one can have in the conclusions reached. Finally, useful means the chapters are written for a broad audience—policymakers, journalists, and practitioners—not just other academics.

The handbook is only online and is designed to be “live.” Chapters are meant to be updated as new research comes out, rather than sitting on a shelf for a decade while the field moves on. AEFP has built a review process that includes a board of policymakers and practitioners, ensuring the work is aligned with the questions real decision-makers are asking.

It reflects an approach to research advocated by the economist Tyler Cowen in a recent piece entitled “Which Published Results Can You Trust?,” building on the views of his colleague Bryan Caplan. Cowen writes this about his first principle:

…trust literatures, not individual research studies. By a “literature,” I mean the collective work conducted by many researchers, acting in decentralized fashion, to publish and circulate the results that will best persuade other researchers.

Literatures are more trustworthy than individual articles because they reflect a collective effort to establish reliable results. A supposed correlation gets refereed and scrutinized. If you have a new hypothesis, other researchers have a chance to make their names by knocking it down. There are also more eyes watching, in case real-world experience delivers results at odds with what a particular theory had been postulating.

In its first edition, the Live Handbook of Education Policy Research already includes roughly 50 chapters spanning early childhood, K–12, and higher education. Topics run the gamut from teacher preparation, licensure, and compensation to charter schools, rural education, FAFSA complexity, college majors, and more. It is intended to become the first place people go when they type “research” plus a familiar education buzzword into a search bar.

Each chapter follows a standard, user-friendly structure. On the left side of the page, a menu lets readers jump quickly between:

  • Key findings: Short, plain-language takeaways (usually four to five) that answer “tell us what we know right now.”
  • Introduction: Definitions, scope, why this topic matters, and the primary debates on the subject.
  • Evidence: A deeper tour of particular studies, with attention to research design and where findings are strongest or weakest.
  • Conclusion and areas for future research: What’s still uncertain and what new work is needed.
  • Endnotes and references: A complete bibliography on the subject.
  • Suggested citation and provide feedback: This ensures the work can be appropriately cited and improved over time.

For those who want to print or mark up a copy, each chapter is also available as a downloadable PDF. The homepage guides new users on how to navigate, engage, learn, share, and cite—signaling that this is a working tool, not a static archive.

To see the model in action, let’s look at one chapter that cuts across K–12 and higher education: “Early College Credit (ECC) Courses,” by Dylan Conger and Steven Hemelt. Topics include dual enrollment, Advanced Placement (AP), International Baccalaureate (IB), and early college high schools, all of which allow students to earn college credit while still in high school. It defines ECC courses as college-level work taken in high school that can affect both admissions and the number of credits students need upon enrollment.

The introduction walks readers through the landscape: AP’s nearly 40 courses and exams, dual enrollment offered by colleges and community colleges, IB programs, and highly structured early college high schools that aim to deliver up to two years of college credit by graduation. The chapter notes that ECC enrollment has exploded. The number of high school graduates taking at least one AP exam grew from roughly 452,000 in 2002 to over 1.1 million in 2022—about one-third of all graduates—and by 2017–18, about 80 percent of U.S. high schools offered at least one dual-enrollment course.

The key-findings section both affirms and complicates the prevailing narrative.

  • Key finding 1: ECC courses are more rigorous than most other high school classes. Students who are moderately to highly prepared tend to have stronger outcomes. Additionally, teachers receive additional training; students report heavier workloads and deeper engagement; and experimental and quasi-experimental studies link ECC participation to more advanced course-taking in high school, higher rates of four-year college enrollment, and for those who earn high scores on AP exams, faster time to earning a degree and a greater likelihood of majoring in the tested subject. At the same time, less-prepared and less-supported students often experience higher stress, lower confidence, and lower grades. They are also much less likely to actually secure the college credit that is supposed to be the payoff.

  • Key finding 2: Access and participation are unequal. ECC courses are less likely to exist in small, high-poverty, and rural high schools. Even when classes are offered, students from higher-income, white, Asian, and college-educated families are substantially more likely to enroll. One national cohort study cited in the chapter finds that 42 percent of ninth graders whose parents held a bachelor’s degree took college-credit courses, compared with just 26 percent of students whose parents did not complete high school. Controlling for prior academic preparation narrows some gaps, but cost barriers such as tuition, fees, and exam charges still loom large for low-income families.

  • Key finding 3: Policy design matters. State mandates that require schools to offer ECC courses or require students to take at least one can increase overall participation, as can accountability systems that track ECC offerings. These policies sometimes widen racial and socioeconomic gaps because they focus on equalizing course availability rather than on equalizing who actually enrolls and succeeds. In contrast, fee waivers and subsidies targeted to low-income students shrink participation gaps in AP exam-taking, even if they don’t automatically increase pass rates.

  • Key finding 4: More intensive models seem to work better for underrepresented students. One example is the early college high school model that bundles ECC with counseling, tutoring, and parental outreach. Another example is incentive programs that pay teachers and students for high AP scores. A third example is project-based AP courses, which improve exam performance for both low- and high-income students.

For state leaders wrestling with whether to expand dual enrollment, or district leaders debating open access versus prerequisites, this structure is invaluable: short key findings at the top, then the underlying studies, such as experimental designs in Tennessee dual credit, AP expansion in Michigan, and ECC on community college campuses for those who want to dig deeper.

Valuable as it is, the new handbook will not settle every argument. What it does is raise the floor under education debates. Instead of trading dueling anecdotes or single-study headlines, policymakers, advocates, and journalists can start with a shared summary of the best available evidence on topics affecting millions of students.

For a field like education that’s awash in claims about evidence-based reforms, that’s no small thing. Whether you’re weighing a new certificate program, designing an early college expansion, or just trying to explain these issues to families and voters, the Live Handbook of Education Policy Research offers a common reference point and a way to keep that reference point current as new studies emerge.

It’s a handbook that never closes. This means that it should become the go-to source for Google searches related to education research and a key resource for those who utilize artificial intelligence and large language models for research assistance. The challenge now is making sure the people who most need it know it’s there and start using it as their default first stop for serious education policy questions.

Jeff Murray
1.8.2026
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The vast majority of teachers in K–12 public schools are female, including over 85 percent of those in the elementary grades. Amid ongoing concerns that boys are struggling in school, one proposed solution is to recruit more male teachers. But does gender matching of students and teachers really benefit kids? A new working paper aims to find out, focusing on elementary grade levels.

Theorizing that some previous research on the topic had been limited in scope—and thus unable to reach any concrete conclusions—a team of researchers led by Eric Hengyu Hu of the State University of New York at Albany worked to construct the strongest possible methodology. This included a nationally-representative sample of students, multi-year tracking, an examination of both academic and non-academic outcomes, and controls for a number of potential confounding variables. Data came from NCES’ Early Childhood Longitudinal Study, Kindergarten Class of 2010-11 (ECLS-K: 2011). Researchers observed this nationally-representative cohort of students—4,080 boys and 3,890 girls—through the end of fifth grade. For academic outcomes, data included individually administered, untimed, “psychometrically well-validated” measures of reading, mathematics, and science achievement. Non-academic outcomes were two-fold: behavioral ratings, as provided by teachers via the Social Skills Rating System (SSRS); and executive function ratings, assessed by NCES field staff as part of ECLS-K protocol. It is, unfortunately, not noted anywhere in the report how many male or female teachers were observed.

For the full sample, the researchers observed no statistically significant effect of student-teacher gender matching on students’ academic achievement, social-behavioral, or executive functioning. Girls taught by female teachers did receive higher ratings on interpersonal skills and approaches to learning, two subcategories of SSRS, but all other outcomes showed null effects. Boys taught by male teachers showed null effects across the board. Breaking down the findings by race and ethnicity revealed a significant boost in the area of cognitive flexibility (one aspect of executive functioning) for Black girls taught by female teachers and Asian boys taught by male teachers. However, significant negative effects were also found for Black girls (lower science achievement) and Asian boys (reduced interpersonal skills).

Study co-author Paul Morgan said in an interview that he was surprised by the findings. “I’ve raised two boys and my assumption would be that having male teachers is beneficial because boys tend to be more rambunctious, more active, a little less easy to direct in academic tasks.” Indeed, one well-known analysis focusing on eighth grade students showed that having a female teacher benefitted girls and disadvantaged boys in science, social studies, and English, and created a gender gap that was 8 percent of a standard deviation. However, the author concluded that some of this effect might have occurred in previous years, depending on the gender matching (or lack thereof) in early grades.

Morgan, Hu, and their fellow researchers conclude similarly in their report that, “rather than providing definitive evidence of ‘no effect,’” their findings highlight the need for even larger samples, more outcomes to measure, and even more controls for confounding variables such as changes in parental involvement over time, peer composition, or classroom assignment processes over time. The need for additional study is especially true since the mechanisms at work are likely indirect—such as role modeling and reduction of teacher perception bias. “We’re not saying gender matching doesn’t work,” Morgan added. “We’re saying we’re not observing it in K through fifth grade.” But they haven’t stopped looking.

SOURCE: Eric Hengyu Hu, et al., “Fixed Effect Estimates of Teacher-Student Gender Matching During Elementary School,” working paper, accessed via ResearchGate (November 2025).

Julia Hayes
1.8.2026
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Public schools in the United States have struggled to boost student achievement in math and reading following the Covid-19 pandemic. Funding from the Elementary and Secondary School Emergency Relief Fund (ESSER) contributed to modest post-pandemic achievement gains in math—but we still don’t know how exactly these funds made a difference.

In a new brief titled “School’s in for Summer: A Scalable and Effective Post-Pandemic Academic Intervention,” researchers at the Center for Analysis of Longitudinal Data in Education Research (CALDER) assess findings from two studies of ESSER-funded summer school programs delivered in 2022 and 2023 across ten large school districts to evaluate the effectiveness of summer school relative to other post-pandemic interventions. These district-run, school-based summer school programs delivered instruction across several weeks in core subjects such as math and reading, rather than individualized tutoring. Programs also incorporated social-emotional learning and enrichment activities, including physical education, art, music, dance, and gardening.

To gauge the impact of this intervention, they use value-added models that control for prior achievement and other observable characteristics of students to estimate the effects of participating in summer school on students’ fall NWEA MAP Growth math and reading test scores.

Overall, they find that summer school increased students’ math scores by 0.027 SD in 2022 and by 0.024 SD in 2023. Interestingly, while students showed improvement in math, reading scores showed no measurable improvement following summer school. For math, these impacts translate into roughly 10 to 15 extra days of learning over the course of a 180-day school year.

Although these increases in math are statistically significant, they are notably smaller than the 0.10 SD gains associated with attending summer school in pre-pandemic studies. The post-pandemic programs considered in the studies also produced smaller math gains per instructional hour than pre-pandemic programs. There is no clear explanation for why summer school only produced gains in math, but these findings are consistent with pre-pandemic evidence suggesting that summer school and other school-based instruction can produce stronger gains in math than reading.

Researchers from CALDER also compared outcomes from post-pandemic summer school programs with tutoring interventions during the school year and found that summer school was more effective for district-wide academic recovery. A key reason for this difference appears to be implementation at scale. Large-scale tutoring interventions in similar districts produced no measurable gains in student achievement, largely because districts struggled to deliver sufficient tutoring hours. In contrast, effective tutoring programs served fewer students and delivered at least 30 hours of instruction, suggesting that tutoring can benefit small groups of students, but is challenging to implement effectively at scale.

Compared to tutoring interventions, the summer school programs were better able to deliver sustained instructional dosage at scale. Findings from CALDER indicate that the most successful pre-pandemic summer school programs lasted four to six weeks and provided 90 minutes of math and 120 minutes of reading per day, helping explain their stronger average district-wide impacts compared to tutoring, even though participation was limited to a subset of students. However, several programs examined in 2022 and 2023 fell short of these targets, highlighting that summer school’s effectiveness depends on maintaining sufficient instructional time.

Although school districts would ideally implement both small-scale tutoring and summer school to support post-pandemic academic recovery, cost-effectiveness is a key consideration. Small-scale tutoring is effective in producing academic gains but requires low student-teacher ratios, making it expensive to staff. Summer school has proven to be just as effective in producing academic gains in math while serving more students with higher student-teacher ratios, making it a less costly solution for large-scale academic recovery. If school districts want to boost achievement, especially in math, adopting a well-designed summer school programs can be a smart strategy.

SOURCE: Emily Morton, Dan Goldhaber, Thomas J. Kane, and Andrew McEachin, “School's in for Summer: A Scalable and Effective Post-Pandemic Academic Intervention,” CALDER Center for Analysis of Longitudinal Data in Education Research (December 2025).

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