In private conversations, and at policy conferences, education reformers are increasingly asking whether we should join the resistance against ICE.

Some of you will surely think that this question is inappropriate, if not ridiculous. Haven’t we learned anything about the danger of “getting out of our lane” and engaging in political debates not clearly connected to our work? Don’t we remember what happened when some reform groups decided to go all-in on DEI? What plays out when universities decide to opine on the issue du jour?

On the flip side, I can picture reformers on the ground thinking, “we have no choice but to engage.” Especially in locales subject to immigration enforcement “surges”—meaning the Twin Cities today—the federal presence is scaring the bejesus out of kids, parents, and teachers, leading schools (all kinds of schools!) to figure out how to keep everyone safe, emotionally and otherwise. Should they go virtual? Refuse to let ICE agents through the door unless they present judicial warrants? What if they show up at bus stops or snag people on their way to school? As Jessica Grose wrote recently, even apolitical public school parents in targeted communities are finding themselves taking part in the resistance out of a basic commitment to neighborliness.

If you’re skeptical that the threat to school communities is real, allow me to quote from an email I received from a reformer-friend in Minnesota. This is someone who works with charter schools and private schools, many of them serving immigrant and refugee populations:

I cannot fully describe how terrified many of the families and staff of color are at all of these schools. The vast majority are U.S. citizens, lawful permanent residents, or legally entered the country through the asylum process, but the many credible reports and rampant rumors of federal agents detaining immigrants or people of color irrespective of (or without even requesting) identification has essentially trapped them in their homes.

I’ve heard multiple first-hand accounts from school leaders of their schools being frequently surveilled by federal agents, and of parents who have been taken as they arrive to pick up their children, staff taken in school parking lots, and students taken at bus stops. As a result, attendance rates have dropped dramatically (to as low as 35 percent) and all of these schools must now try to provide “remote learning” to many students and protect their staff who are unable to come to work.

If you haven’t heard about the above instances, the reason is that these schools are desperate to avoid publicity for fear that it will make them a target for federal agents, social media harassment, and hostile individuals taking video of their staff and students. (A trusted reporter I’ve known for two decades documents many examples in this January 20 article, but the reality is even worse than she describes.)

Tough stuff, to say the least.

The teachers unions and other traditional education groups are starting to engage, including via lawsuits. And some national reform groups on the left are doing so, such as Ed Trust.

So perhaps the real question is what ed reform groups on the center-left and center-right should do.

Courage, wisdom, and the long view

What’s most important to remember, in my opinion, is that those of us in education reform agree on one issue—and only one issue. While we all have opinions on all manner of political and policy debates—on both the substance of policy and on tactical approaches—if we put those opinions front and center, we risk shrinking our coalition rather than growing it. That’s especially true if we create new litmus tests for the views we must hold—outside of education!—in order to be a reformer in good standing. That leads to subtraction instead of addition and is a good way to lose a political fight.

For many of us on the right and center-right, that’s how it felt a decade ago when some of our left-leaning colleagues went all-in on Black Lives Matter and diversity, equity, and inclusion. Even though the official BLM organization came out against many education reforms, and even though the most strident DEI advocates attacked mainstream views like “equal opportunity” and “colorblind policies,” many of us felt enormous pressure to adopt hard-left positions on these matters.

That no doubt divided and weakened our movement and led to some pretty major policy losses—on accountability, charter schools, progressive funding, and more. If we think that smart education policy changes lives, then that’s a big problem.

Let’s please not do that again!

On immigration, we need to remember that our personal opinions differ widely. Some of us on the right, in particular, believe that a lot of the blame for today’s immigration mess belongs to Democrats for allowing millions of migrants to cross the border in 2022–24 and for adopting “sanctuary” policies that block officials from handing over illegal immigrants who have landed in jail for being credibly accused of serious crimes.

Forcing reformers, regardless of their personal politics or party affiliation, to agree with the hard-left position on immigration, in public, including in red states, is not just dumb politics, it’s a form of “right-think” that’s simply indefensible.

That said, I continue to think we might be able to achieve something approaching consensus about immigration policy as it applies to schools. Don’t we want kids attending them? Regularly? All kids? And isn’t it tragic when schools in the public, private, and charter sectors conclude that they must offer virtual learning as a substitute for the real thing? I bet we could get a lot of ed reform groups—national, state, and local, and left, right, and center—to sign a letter that goes something like this:

Dear Secretary McMahon,

We represent a coalition of education reform organizations that are deeply concerned that current immigration enforcement actions in Minnesota and elsewhere are significantly suppressing school attendance and harming student learning. We ask that you work with Secretary Noem, officials in the White House, and others to ensure that all students feel safe going to school. That means reinstating longstanding “sensitive locations” policies that committed federal officials to steering clear of schools, and to committing the administration not to detain parents, students, or teachers on the way to or on the way home from school.

You should know that we are a diverse coalition—and that includes politically and ideologically. Some of us voted for President Trump, and some did not. Some of us support stepped-up immigration enforcement, and some of us do not.

While our politics may be diverse, we share a core belief: The central purpose of public education is to assure that all children, regardless of economic circumstances or demographics, graduate from high school equipped with the foundational skills necessary for a successful and fulfilling life. We resolutely support policies that are in service of that objective and oppose those that may compromise it.

Where we also agree is around the importance of making our schools safe, engaging, challenging environments, so that all students achieve their full potential. And we share a conviction that remote learning, which many schools in Minneapolis are now offering—is rarely as effective as the in-person kind. We know you share these views and values, too.

We would be happy to work with you to bring together school leaders from the public, private, and charter school sectors—in Minneapolis and elsewhere—to develop a plan for how to make students, families, and educators feel confident that they can attend school every day without fear.

I honestly don’t know whether such a letter would do much good—or even be welcomed by the groups on the front line in Minnesota. What I do know is that keeping our focus on schools—rather than the “omnicause” that Kelsey Piper wrote about this week—is the way to keep our ed reform coalition together. And if ed reform changes lives—which we all believe—that’s a worthy goal in and of itself.

Editor’s note: This essay is an amalgam of two recent posts on Mike’s SCHOOLED Substack newsletter. Subscribe here!