Skip to main content

Mobile Navigation

  • National
    • Policy
      • High Expectations
      • Quality Choices
      • Personalized Pathways
    • Research
    • Commentary
      • Gadfly Newsletter
      • Flypaper Blog
    • Events
    • Scholars Program
  • Ohio
    • Policy
      • Priorities
      • Media & Testimony
    • Research
    • Commentary
      • Ohio Education Gadfly Biweekly
      • Ohio Gadfly Daily
  • Charter Authorizing
    • Application
    • Sponsored Schools
    • Resources
  • About
    • Mission
    • Board
    • Staff
    • Career
Home
Home
Advancing Educational Excellence

Main Navigation

  • National
  • Ohio
  • Charter Authorizing
  • About

National Menu

  • Topics
    • Accountability & Testing
    • Advanced Education
    • Career & Technical Education
    • Charter Schools
    • Curriculum & Instruction
    • ESSA
    • Evidence-Based Learning
    • Facilities
    • Governance
    • Personalized Learning
    • Private School Choice
    • School Finance
    • Standards
    • Teachers & School Leaders
    • Think Again
  • Research
  • Commentary
    • Gadfly Newsletter
    • Flypaper Blog
    • Gadfly Podcast
  • Events
  • Scholars Program

The Education Gadfly Weekly

Sign Up to Receive Fordham Updates

We'll send you quality research, commentary, analysis, and news on the education issues you care about.
Thank you for signing up!
Please check your email to confirm the subscription.

The Education Gadfly Weekly: Targeting the neediest students when race can’t be used

Volume 25, Number 18
5.8.2025
5.8.2025

The Education Gadfly Weekly: Targeting the neediest students when race can’t be used

Volume 25, Number 18
view
Students and teacher in a classroom
High Expectations

Targeting the neediest students when race can’t be used

Can school districts still work to close persistent achievement gaps in an era when race-targeted interventions may violate federal law? That question is no longer hypothetical. The Trump administration now argues that using race—even to expand opportunity—constitutes discrimination under Title VI. This reframing casts efforts like targeted funding or DEI initiatives not as remedies for inequity, but as violations of the very laws once used to justify them.

Dale Chu 5.8.2025
NationalFlypaper

Targeting the neediest students when race can’t be used

Dale Chu
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Teaching in the age of school choice

Robert Pondiscio
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Dear Democrats, Republicans are eating your lunch on education. What are you going to do about it?

Rachel Canter
5.8.2025
Flypaper

The long-term impacts of an Ohio community college student support program

Jeff Murray
5.8.2025
Flypaper

#968: Are school inspections the accountability tool we’ve overlooked? with Erik Robelen

5.7.2025
Podcast

Cheers and Jeers: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly
5.8.2025
Flypaper

What we’re reading this week: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly
5.8.2025
Blog
view
Students and teacher in a classroom

Teaching in the age of school choice

Robert Pondiscio 5.8.2025
Flypaper
view
Student portrait

Dear Democrats, Republicans are eating your lunch on education. What are you going to do about it?

Rachel Canter 5.8.2025
Flypaper
view
Recent graduate with diploma

The long-term impacts of an Ohio community college student support program

Jeff Murray 5.8.2025
Flypaper
view

#968: Are school inspections the accountability tool we’ve overlooked? with Erik Robelen

Erik Robelen, Michael J. Petrilli, Amber M. Northern, Ph.D., David Griffith, Ph.D. 5.7.2025
Podcast
view
Fordham Gadfly image

Cheers and Jeers: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly 5.8.2025
Flypaper
view
Fordham Gadfly image

What we’re reading this week: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly 5.8.2025
Blog
view
Students and teacher in a classroom

Targeting the neediest students when race can’t be used

Dale Chu
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Can school districts still work to close persistent achievement gaps in an era when race-targeted interventions may violate federal law? That question is no longer hypothetical. The Trump administration has signaled that any program explicitly aimed at students by race could run afoul of civil rights laws. Following the Supreme Court’s decision in Students for Fair Admissions v. Harvard—which barred race-conscious admissions in higher ed—federal officials have extended its logic to K–12, now arguing that using race—even to expand opportunity—constitutes discrimination under Title VI. This reframing casts efforts like targeted funding or DEI initiatives not as remedies for inequity, but as violations of the very laws once used to justify them.

If this interpretation of the law holds up in the coming months and years, states and districts will need to rethink how they deliver support. Rather than designing programs specifically around race, they should instead focus on students who are low-income, low-performing, or chronically absent—groups that face significant barriers to success and often overlap with historically underserved populations. This approach, long championed by advocates of class-based reform, may gain new traction as legal pressures continue to mount. Though not yet widespread, it’s a shift that education leaders may increasingly have to consider.

Los Angeles Unified School District has already been forced to adapt. After launching a $120 million program focused on improving outcomes for Black students—who significantly trail their peers in academic achievement—the district received a complaint alleging racial discrimination. In response, it revised the program’s eligibility criteria, dropping race as an official factor. That change removed a key focus on a set of schools serving a disproportionate share of Black students, potentially diluting the program’s impact.

Chicago may soon face a similar reckoning. The U.S. Department of Education’s Office for Civil Rights is investigating a new initiative aimed at boosting performance among Black students in the district, more than 90 percent of whom are not on grade level in math, and nearly 80 percent of whom fall short in reading. These sobering figures underscore the urgency of the program, which was conceived as a direct response to a crisis in academic achievement. Yet the federal investigation, regardless of its final ruling, is likely to have a chilling effect on any future efforts to target interventions for student populations deemed suspect under civil rights laws.

To be sure, the skepticism towards Los Angeles’s and Chicago’s programs are not without merit. The districts’ plans emphasize “identity, culture, and voice” and “culturally responsive pedagogy” while giving short shrift to the nuts and bolts of good instruction—raising legitimate questions about their commitment to improving academic outcomes in reading and math. Chicago’s effort isn’t even a fully formed plan at this point. Compounding these concerns, both districts earned notoriety for keeping schools closed longer than most during the pandemic, worsening the very inequities their new initiatives now seek to address.

What’s more, there’s a reasonable argument that subgroup-specific programming can distract from the goal of universal academic improvement. In Houston, for instance, recent gains have stemmed from a districtwide focus on instructional rigor, driven by a controversial but results-oriented state intervention. Rather than organizing supports around racial or cultural identity, the district has emphasized a coherent academic core—anchored by high-quality curriculum, frequent progress monitoring, and intensive tutoring. Early indicators suggest this universal approach has produced meaningful improvement across student groups, reinforcing the idea that strong teaching and learning can be the most equitable intervention of all.

Still, the legal and political headwinds do not absolve school systems of their responsibility to remedy deep-seated disparities. Rather, they demand greater precision and discipline. If race can no longer be an organizing principle, then districts must become more adept at using data to identify and support students facing the greatest barriers to success—whether due to poverty, academic challenges, or attendance. In this environment, the challenge is not just compliance, but creativity: finding lawful, effective ways to advance equity (properly understood) without losing sight of the students who have historically been left behind.

Which is to say, perhaps there is a silver lining to all of this. Stripping away race-based criteria could push districts to re-center their efforts on students who are academically behind, regardless of background. After all, not every Black student is low-performing, and not every low-performing student is Black. By focusing more intently on measurable student growth and achievement, districts may be prompted to design interventions that are not only more precise but also more effective, addressing the real disparities in academic outcomes without the need for racial labels. This shift could ultimately foster a more robust approach to education—one rooted in achievement rather than identity.

view
Students and teacher in a classroom

Teaching in the age of school choice

Robert Pondiscio
5.8.2025
Flypaper

On Tuesday, April 29, I gave the keynote presentation at an event titled “New Pathways for Teachers in the Age of School Choice,” hosted by the American Enterprise Institute and the University of Austin. The full presentation and subsequent conversation are available here. This is a condensed version of my remarks.

Let me tell you the story of how I almost invented the microschool. In 2002, I became a fifth-grade teacher at a public school in the South Bronx—literally the lowest-scoring school in New York City’s poorest-performing district. I’d come from a twenty-year career in the news business. Teaching was supposed to be my two-year, mid-career, do-gooder public service stint. It was not supposed to turn into a second career.

I was utterly naïve about education policy. But at some point, I became aware that every kid in front of me was costing the taxpayers of New York City and the State of New York about $30,000 a year to sit in my classroom. The City was paying me about $36,000. I was gobsmacked. “Holy, hell!” I thought. “Give me six of these kids. Any six. I’ll pick them up in the morning, bring them to my apartment, and teach them all day. I’ll even make them lunch. I’ll do it for $25,000 per kid and if they don’t pass their state tests, it’s free!” I’ll save the taxpayers money and my upside is $150,000.

I was this close to being Kelly Smith and founding Prenda.

By the way, when I was working on TIME Magazine’s first online efforts in the early ‘90s, it also occurred to me that it would be really easy to sell books on the Internet. But I don’t want to talk about that one. It’s too painful.

What I’d intuited—hiring a teacher to work with a small number of students in someone’s home—came to fruition not in microschools but with pandemic pods: scrappy, parent-driven experiments that sprang up when schools shuttered during Covid. Families, their kids suffering Zoom fatigue and the soul-crushing limits of remote learning, banded together to form tiny, bespoke learning groups, often in a living room or backyard, guided by a hired teacher or plucky parent, tackling everything from algebra to art projects. A year into the pandemic, the New Yorker, no friend of school choice, predicted that pods would outlast Covid, acknowledging their benefits. It showed what’s possible when parents take the reins, demanding flexibility and results.

Today’s discussion, “New Pathways for Teachers in the Age of School Choice,” takes place at a moment when the relationship between Americans and schools is in play to a degree I doubt any of us could have predicted before Covid. Public schools, a bedrock government service, became unreliable for weeks, then months, even years. Habits changed. Homeschooling rates tripled. Private schools, charters, and online programs gained students, while traditional public schools lost them. Remote learning pried open the black box of the classroom, broadcasting lessons onto kitchen tables. Parents weren’t always happy with what they saw.

It’s no longer taken for granted that your local public school is the only game in town. Parents are asking: “Is this school the best I can do for my child? If not, what else is out there—and how do I get it?”

The days when the vast majority of Americans simply accepted the default mode of geographically-zoned, district-run schools are over. In a recent piece for American Enterprise magazine, “The Last Days of Public School,” I argued we may be witnessing the twilight of public education as we’ve known it—not because public schools will vanish, but because their monopoly is crumbling. Universal school choice, empowered by education savings accounts (ESAs), is decentralizing education, giving families unprecedented control over where and how their children learn. Once Texas adopts and implements ESAs, half of America’s families will have the power to opt out of traditional public schools and take the money with them. The percentage of kids in local, district-run schools will never again be what it once was.

This shift is transformative for parents and students, but also for teachers. The profession, long tethered to public school systems, will be forced adapt to a pluralistic, entrepreneurial education market. But schools of education have long failed our teachers—and our kids. My colleague Daniel Buck has described his ed school experience: making Black Lives Matter friendship bracelets, attending group-therapy-style classes, and submitting acrostic poems and rap videos, all this in graduate school. His critique echoes my own ed school experience more than twenty years ago. I still have a vocabulary picture book I made out of construction paper and pictures cut from magazines. I got an A each time I submitted it. In three different classes.

For years I’ve joked darkly that if we trained air traffic controllers the way we trained teachers, students would write papers about structural inequities in transportation and work on developing their personal philosophy of air travel. “Landing planes? Oh, that’s something you learn on the job. We’re not here to train you.”

Ed schools’ stranglehold on teacher certification is as endangered as public schools’ grip on students. Teachers will need to prepare for diverse settings—charters, microschools, homeschool co-ops, virtual platforms—requiring entrepreneurial, adaptable skills. Some may not even be “teachers” as we currently conceive of them. School choice doesn’t change who gets an education—but it is certainly changing who can provide it.

In Arizona, I interviewed a man who spent most of his adult life building and running a successful business making high-end furniture for luxury homes. A few years ago, he was diagnosed with a brain tumor that brought his career to an end. After surgery and six months of recovery, his daughters, who both teach piano, convinced their father to turn his business into a school and teach woodworking. His shop is far beyond even what most well-equipped school districts could offer, filled with half a million dollars of equipment. He has about three dozen students, all on Arizona’s ESA.

But this dynamic and creative era that’s emerging comes with serious pitfalls, and we must face them head-on. There are no magic bullets in education. Candidly, I think we’ve been a bit blithe, either stating or implying that what’s wrong with public education is a lack of competition. I don’t think “competition” is even the best argument for school choice. Choice enables diverse school models—Montessori, STEM, classical—that don’t have to justify themselves by comparison to a default public school. That said, there are foreseeable risks of exacerbating inequities and fracturing our already fragile social cohesion that we need to discuss.

Arguably the Achilles’ heel of universal ESAs is the perception—not entirely invalid—that it will mostly benefit the education equivalent of the “worried well,” or those whose children are already in a private school and for whom an ESA is functionally a voucher: relatively affluent families who have the motivation and parental bandwidth to take full advantage of it—as well as teacher entrepreneurs who are similarly motivated, energetic, and creative.

Working parents, especially those who are less advantaged, need a school for their kids during the workday, not a bespoke education they must cobble together. This risks a two-tier system: affluent families in high-quality schools and settings; “non-choosers”—typically the most disadvantaged—left behind in struggling public schools that may become something like schools of last resort.

Teacher capacity is another issue. If we just change where teachers work and who employs them, I don’t see how that’s going to change student outcomes. The inconvenient fact remains that the nation needs nearly four million people to teach our children. Any number that large means the men and women who staff our schools and teach our children will be, by definition, ordinary people—not superheroes.

If achievable, sustainable progress is our aim—and it must be our aim—the job has to be doable by the teachers we have, not the teachers we wish we had. Let’s be honest: Almost anyone can teach students who are motivated, curious, and engaged. But some students are none of those. They need a school staffed by our most gifted and expert teachers. And to complicate things further, we’re simply not training teachers adequately for success with even average students, let alone the hardest to reach, motivate, and teach.

Perhaps the gravest risk is to social cohesion. Public schools, in theory, are where Americans of different backgrounds learn to live together. Horace Mann saw them as forging a shared civic identity. The reality has obviously never matched that lofty ideal, but a “choose your own adventure” education system could make things worse. If everyone splinters into niche schools—one for secular progressives, another for religious conservatives, another for this ethnic group or that pedagogy—we risk losing any sense of a shared culture.

E.D. Hirsch, Jr., warned us that schools are “the central and main hope for the preservation of democratic ideals.” In a choice-driven system, how do we ensure students in, for example, an Austin microschool, a Houston magnet, or a Dallas Catholic school share some common knowledge and civic preparation? One solution is curriculum. Diverse schools could commit to teaching a core set of historical facts, literary works, or civic ideals balancing pluralism with coherence and cohesion.

I know I probably sound more like a school choice critic than a proponent right now, so let me be clear: These challenges—teacher capacity, equitable access, and social cohesion—are not reasons to oppose school choice. I support choice because it empowers families and opens new opportunities for teachers, and dynamic new models of education.

But to sustain it, we must pair choice with quality: training teachers to be successful in news settings and in new models, ensuring equitable access, and taking curriculum seriously to drive academic and civic outcomes. We’re at a crossroads. If we address these potential pitfalls with urgency and wisdom, we can build an education system that delivers freedom, flexibility, equity, and excellence—not just for some, but for all.

Editor’s note: This was first published on the author’s Substack, The Next 30 Years.

view
Student portrait

Dear Democrats, Republicans are eating your lunch on education. What are you going to do about it?

Rachel Canter
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Early in my tenure at the education policy organization I founded, we barely had any money. No money meant no lobbyist, which left me, a complete stranger to the legislative process, to figure out how to pass meaningful policy.

A conversation I had with a Democratic legislator seen as an up-and-coming leader stands out among the blur of memories. He agreed to meet me at a local sandwich shop in downtown Jackson after I kept showing up at the Capitol, bright-eyed and brimming with optimism that Mississippi could, in fact, improve its public schools. I admit to feeling a little defeated that day after yet another uninspiring and unproductive education committee meeting, and I complained about it to him.

“Why don’t the Democrats seem to have any vision for education?” I asked in frustration. “Saying ‘no’ to everything the Republicans pose isn’t an agenda.”

“We’re the minority party,” he shot back. “It’s not our job to have a vision.”

I sat back in the chair, stunned, and thought to myself, “And that is exactly why you’ll always be the minority party.”

Sixteen years later, I have to wonder if the Democratic party nationally is heading for the same fate. Increasingly, the Democrats are less the party of education and more the party of education insiders, not children and families. Much like my own state party, Democrats nationally don’t have a coherent and compelling vision for American public education. As Senator Bennet of Colorado said recently at the Progressive Policy Institute’s New Directions for Democrats convening in Denver, “We are running a seventeenth-century system of education in America, and the American people deserve to have a twenty-first-century system of education so their kids can compete in this world, and they can't with the system that we have. The Democratic Party has no education policy.... Where is our agenda to reform the education system for the American people? We have none.”

Senator Bennet is right on point. Despite being a seasoned education policy expert, I had to go find the Democrats’ party platform to know what is in it (long on recent federal investments and “wraparound” supports, short on teaching and learning). What’s perhaps more telling is what wasn’t in it: no acknowledgment that America’s schools are in trouble, and no clear through-line about what kind of education all these investments ultimately yield. What are families who feel let down by the education their children are getting supposed to make of this?

Aside from some very unpredictable capitalization, I knew exactly what would be in the Republicans’ platform before I read it. True, there is even less about teaching and learning in their emphatic prose, but it nonetheless sets a goal for education (jobs) and articulates problems and solutions (woke = bad, federal role in education = worse, private school choice = The Answer). A ground-breaking or inspiring vision it is not, but it is a simple one—if you’re unhappy with what educational opportunities your community offers (Woke! Violence! Heathens!), you can choose something different. While it promises families an escape, it also excuses the party from any responsibility of making sure that every child has access to great public schools. Its strength as a talking point is also its greatest weakness.

And herein lies the problem. The Republican platform stinks, and yet the Democrats can’t seem to fill the void with all their wordy paragraphs in a document that very few people read, and no one is talking about.

The Democrats need a new vision for education that speaks to the world our children must navigate to become successful adults. That vision needs to be rooted in the business of schools—learning—and be flexible enough that every family can see their place in it. When a child graduates high school from public school in the United States of America, what does their education promise them? For the last two decades, I have fought to ensure that a Mississippi high school diploma means that students will know how to read and do math at a level that prepares them for their next step in life and that they have enough knowledge of American history to become voting citizens of this country. If their local high school is a bad fit for their child or unable to offer enough opportunity, the public system should provide families with choice, whether through a charter school or magnet school, dual enrollment or dual credit with local colleges, or virtual course choice statewide. These expectations may seem basic, but right now, too many American families cannot know with any certainty that their public schools will fulfill these promises, and Democrats are not speaking to that problem.

Certainly, there are Democrats who speak passionately and knowledgeably about how to improve public education, and it comes as no surprise that, by and large, these Democrats hold or have held positions of leadership in states where the majority of education policymaking takes place. Take Senator Bennet, for example, who served as Superintendent of Denver Public Schools during an era of progress before he became a U.S. Senator. Colorado also boasts another leading light in Governor Jared Polis, who stated at the PPI convening, “Our goal is that every student graduates, not just with a diploma, but with a meaningful certification and a skill that helps them get a job or go to college.”

Both of these Democratic leaders understand what should be a guiding principle: Fundamentally, education policy is about hope for the future of our children, ourselves, and our country. It affects nearly 50 million children annually, and they live in every corner of the nation. If Democrats are not talking about education, they’re not talking to America’s families, and that’s something the Republicans figured out in the last decade. Democrats, how much longer are you going to sit on the sidelines?

Editor's note: This was first published by RealClearEducation.

view
Recent graduate with diploma

The long-term impacts of an Ohio community college student support program

Jeff Murray
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Back in 2015, three Ohio community colleges launched the Accelerated Study in Associate Programs (ASAP), a comprehensive suite of supports meant to help new community college students persist in school and complete a degree in three years or less (the national average was 3.3 years at the time). ASAP is based on a similar program of the same name developed in the City University of New York (CUNY) system. It includes supports such as tuition and transportation assistance, work- and family-friendly class schedules, priority registration, and intensive advising from dedicated counselors.

While just two of those Ohio programs remain active today, evaluation partner MDRC has continued tracking longer term outcomes for the original participants via a randomized controlled trial. I have reviewed three of MDRC’s previous studies (the third one, covering six years of data and with links to the others in the series, is here), and a fourth report has just been released, covering eight years of data since the start of the program.

To recap the study design: Participating students enrolling in the three Ohio institutions in fall 2015 had to be degree-seeking, willing to attend full-time, majoring in degree programs that could be completed in three years or less, and Pell Grant–eligible. A lottery determined which students entered the ASAP program (806 participants) and which comprised the control group (695 non-participants). Students in the control group had access to the usual suite of assistance services the colleges provided but not the more-intensive support given students in the treatment group.

Before looking at the new report, let’s do a quick recap of findings from the prior reports in the series. After three years, 35 percent of the students in the treatment group had earned degrees, compared with 19 percent of students in the control group. Graduation impacts persisted in year six. And the labor market findings revealed that program group students earned $2,045 more than control group students’ annual average of $17,631—an increase of 12 percent.

And now? As of 2023 (eight years after initially enrolling), 46 percent of program participants earned a degree compared to 31 percent of control group students, an estimated 15 percentage point effect. And while one could argue that the goal of accelerated degree completion has been irrelevant for a while now, the fact that the positive impact has remained steady for all this time—that is, the control group has not caught up or, indeed, made any headway in closing the gap—suggests that some students are still earning degrees they otherwise would not have without the supports, even if it took them eight years to earn that “two-year degree.” Overall, ASAP appears to be one of the most effective postsecondary education initiatives in regard to graduation-rate increases among the numerous other rigorously-evaluated programs cited by the researchers. Furthermore, 17.6 percent of program participants have gone on to earn a bachelor’s degree within eight years of starting community college with ASAP support, compared with 11.4 percent of control group students. That’s a 6.2 percentage point impact.

Labor market findings also remain positive. In year eight, program participants earned an average of $3,337 more than the control group, a 14 percent increase that is larger than the one observed at the six-year point. In fact, the impact on earnings has been gradually increasing since year four. This effect was due almost entirely to higher wages being earned by the treatment group participants, as both they and control participants were employed at similar rates, as had been seen in previous analyses.

It is unclear what more can be learned from these long-term participants, but MDRC researchers promise to keep further tabs on their OG guinea pigs. Of more interest will likely be the expanded usage of the ASAP model now active at over forty institutions in seven states, including a baccalaureate version at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York. Analyses of each are in the works. Here’s hoping for more good news to come!

SOURCE: Colin Hill, Kayla Warner, and Colleen Sommo, “From Learning to Earning,” MDRC (April 2025).

view

#968: Are school inspections the accountability tool we’ve overlooked? with Erik Robelen

5.7.2025
Podcast
 

On this week’s Education Gadfly Show podcast, former Education Week reporter Erik Robelen joins Mike and David to discuss school inspections—what they are, how they might fit into accountability systems, and who’s actually using them in U.S. schools. Then, on the Research Minute, Amber highlights a study on how AI tools can help middle school math teachers personalize their lessons.

Recommended content: 

  • Erik Robelen, “The Full Measure of a School,” Education Next (Spring 2025).
  • Erik Robelen, “England’s School Inspections Get a Makeover,” Education Next (Spring 2025).
  • Maryland State Department of Education, Blueprint for Maryland’s Future: Expert Review Team 
  • Colorado Department of Education, State Review Panel: School Review Protocol, SchoolWorks LLC (2024).
  • Massachusetts Department of Elementary and Secondary Education, Charter School Site Visit Protocol, (2024) 
  • Rizwaan Malik, Dorna Abdi, Rose E. Wang, and Dorottya Demszky, Scaffolding Middle-School Mathematics Curricula With Large Language Models, EdWorking Papers (April 2025)

Feedback Welcome: Have ideas for improving our podcast? Send them to Stephanie Distler at [email protected].  

view
Fordham Gadfly image

Cheers and Jeers: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly
5.8.2025
Flypaper

Cheers

  • Stillman College is now accepting applications for a new K–12 charter school on campus. —Tuscaloosa News
  • Lasting education reform happens through local leadership, not federal mandates. —David Harris, USA Today
  • The landmark passage of a $1 billion ESA program in Texas could set the stage for innovation in school choice programs across the nation. —Jeb Bush, The 74 Million
  • Texas’s teacher incentive program boosts pay and performance statewide. —The Texas Tribune

Jeers

  • “School spending is up. Teacher pay isn’t.” —Chad Aldeman, The 74
  • A lack of access to advanced math courses hurt students across Ohio. —The Columbus Dispatch
view
Fordham Gadfly image

What we’re reading this week: May 8, 2025

The Education Gadfly
5.8.2025
Blog
  • As Trump's first 100 days usher in deep education budget cuts, federal layoffs, and a push for school choice, debates over the future role of government in schools intensify. —Rick Hess, EdWeek
  • Trump’s revival of stricter school discipline policies, rolled back by Obama and Biden, draws praise from advocates of order. —Carolyn D. Gorman, City Journal
  • Charter leader Steven Wilson critiques both DEI programs and Trump's countermeasures, advocating for intellectual rigor in schools. —The New York Times
  • The Supreme Court’s deliberations on religious charter schools raise questions about state control and the future of charter school autonomy. —CharterFolk
Fordham Logo

© 2026 The Thomas B. Fordham Institute
Privacy Policy
Usage Agreement

National

P.O. Box 110
Burke, VA 22009

202.223.5452

[email protected]

Ohio

P.O. Box 82291
Columbus, OH 43202

614.223.1580

[email protected]

Sponsorship

130 West Second Street, Suite 410
Dayton, Ohio 45402

937.227.3368

[email protected]