Predicting the future is often compared to reading tea leaves. In the case of forecasting what education policies Vice President Kamala Harris might pursue as president, though, a more apt analogy might be reading her mind. Frankly it’s anyone’s guess what her education policies would be, given how few clues we have.
It wasn’t always this way. Most recent presidential candidates laid out detailed plans for schools, dating back at least to Kennedy and Johnson. George H. W. Bush wanted to be the education president. Bill Clinton wanted to use stronger schools to build a bridge to the twenty-first century. George W. Bush wanted to leave no child behind and move the Republican party in a more compassionate direction. Barack Obama wanted Democrats to break with teachers unions by embracing merit pay. Each of them amplified these slogans with various plans and proposals.
But in more recent cycles, education has dropped from the list of voters’ top-tier issues, and candidates have become increasingly cagey about their plans.
Donald Trump’s administration was known for its advocacy of school choice, but that wasn’t something he talked much about on the campaign trail in 2015 or 2016. It only came into focus with his selection of Betsy DeVos as secretary of education.
And Joe Biden’s unwillingness to challenge progressive orthodoxy on education would have been hard to predict, given his moderate persona in 2019 and 2020. What turned out to be the best guide to his education policies was his self-identity as the “most union-friendly president in history”—plus the membership of his wife, community college professor Jill Biden, in the National Education Association.
So here we are with another election in which education issues are barely registering, trying to predict what Harris might do if elected. She has said even less than Trump or Biden, partly because of the truncated nature of her campaign, and partly because of her strategy of leaning into positive vibes and declining to offer policy specifics in the hope that doing so will better her chances of prevailing in November. Official statements—a Harris campaign policy document and the Democratic Party Platform—are thin on details.
Making things even harder is Harris’s well-known willingness to run away from previous positions. She did that in 2019 when the Black Lives Matter movement made it awkward for her to embrace her record in law enforcement—including her tough stance on prosecuting parents of truant children.
That’s why looking at Harris’s statements from the campaign trail five years ago or her record as a U.S. senator only goes so far.
What we do know is this: She’s the sitting vice president. She has positioned herself in the middle of the Democratic Party, not wanting to break with progressives on the left or business-friendly centrists in the middle.
And while her image is not blue-collar like Biden’s, she’s been careful not to put any sunlight between herself and the unions, including teachers unions. One of her first speeches as the presumptive Democratic nominee was to the American Federation of Teachers, the very first union to endorse her.
For these reasons, it is likely that a Harris administration would bring significant continuity with Biden’s policies, including on schools.
Picture her appointing a former teacher as secretary of education, proposing healthy increases in school spending, and speaking out against privatization, book bans, and the like. Call it the Hippocratic Oath approach to Democratic policymaking on education: First, do no harm.
Can those of us involved in K–12 education hope for bolder strokes from a President Harris—including some that might move the needle on reform? Of course one can hope.
Her selection of Minnesota Governor Tim Walz as her running mate thrust the issue of universal free school meals onto the national radar, given Minnesota’s leadership on that policy. Perhaps she will throw her support behind a congressional effort to provide federal funding for such an initiative.
The most significant play we might anticipate, though, could be on teacher pay. Boosting teacher salaries by $13,500 per year (to close the gap with other professionals) was the centerpiece of her education agenda when she ran for president in 2019.
It’s a popular idea, especially since so many Americans underestimate what teachers are paid today.
She has a ready vehicle to pursue it, thanks to the looming expiration of Trump’s 2017 tax cuts, which makes new legislation around tax reform a must-pass item for Congress next year. The most straightforward way for the federal government to put more money into teachers’ pockets isn’t through a complicated grant program to states and districts, but via tax credits that would flow directly to educators.
The tax code already allows teachers to deduct up to $300 for classroom expenses. There are also several student loan forgiveness programs for teachers.
A major teacher tax credit could quickly get expensive, however, given the size of America’s teaching force (3 to 4 million depending on how you count it). At, say, $10,000 per teacher, that’s $30 to $40 billion a year—in the neighborhood of what we spend on Title I and IDEA combined.
A smarter, more affordable approach would be to target teachers serving in high-need schools — as the student loan forgiveness programs already do. Studies from Dallas and elsewhere acknowledge that great teachers will move to high-poverty schools—but only if offered significantly higher pay—in the neighborhood of $10,000 more per year.
We also know that when we pay teachers the same regardless of where they teach—the policy of almost every school district in the country—the neediest schools end up with the least-experienced teachers.
A tax credit for teachers in Title I schools—which get government funding for having high numbers or high percentages of students from low-income families—could transform the profession overnight, significantly narrowing the teacher quality gap, school funding gap, and perhaps, the achievement gap, too.
Given Democrats’ interest in boosting the “care economy,” perhaps such a tax credit could flow to instructors in high-poverty childcare and pre-K centers, as well. This would fit well with Harris’s promise to move America toward an “opportunity economy,” including by boosting the pay of childcare and preschool teachers.
Here’s the best news: Senator Cory Booker has already written a well-designed bill to create precisely this sort of teacher tax credit, with most of the benefits flowing to teachers in the highest-poverty district and charter schools. When the tax reform sausage is being made next year, this bill should be thrown into the mix.
Still, a big effort on “differential pay” for teachers might be just one wonk’s wish-casting. We’ve had two presidential administrations in a row with little action on K–12 education. It’s quite likely that a Harris administration would be a third.
But here’s hoping for a pleasant surprise after November.
Editor’s note: This was first published by The Hechinger Report.
