This profile is one of 51 state profiles accompanying Fordham’s report, A Crowded Table: Teacher Union Strength in 2026, which updates Fordham’s 2012 rankings of state teacher union strength.
Drawing on the latest publicly available data and a new survey of K–12 stakeholders in all fifty states and the District of Columbia, researchers Melissa Arnold Lyon, Sandy Frost Waldron, and Rebecca Jacobsen find that the education policy landscape has become increasingly crowded and contested over the past fifteen years. In many states, teacher unions are no longer the dominant voice shaping education policy.
Tier 5 (Weakest)
and Membership
in Politics
Bargaining Policies
and Losses
Influence
Mississippi has the nation’s fifth-weakest teacher unions. Relative to their counterparts in other states, they exhibit the most strength in Policy Wins and Losses (27th), followed by Perceived Influence (40th), Labor and Bargaining Policies (43rd), Involvement in Politics (49th), and Resources and Membership (51st).
Area A: Resources and Membership
Mississippi ranks 51st in this area.
| Indicator | Sub-indicator | Rank |
| Membership | Where does the state rank relative to the share of public-school teachers who are union members (in 2020–21)? | 49th |
| Where does the state rank relative to union membership among all employees (in 2024)? | 36th (tie) | |
| Vote share | Where does the state rank relative to the share of voters who are union members (in 2022)? | 51st |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of voters who are both union members and employed in the educational services industry (in 2022)? | 29th (tie) | |
| Revenues | Where does the state rank in terms of its NEA and/or AFT affiliate’s total yearly revenue per teacher, adjusted using the NCES Comparable Wage Index (in 2023)? | 47th |
| Teacher strikes | Where did the state rank in terms of the number of teacher strikes (between 2019 and 2024)? | Tied for last (no strikes occurred) |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of districts that engage in strikes (between 2019 and 2024)? | Tied for last (no strikes occurred) |
Area B: Involvement in Politics
Mississippi ranks 49th in this area.
| Indicator | Sub-indicator | Rank |
| Candidate endorsements | Where does the state rank relative to how many gubernatorial and down-ballot candidates the state teacher unions endorse (in the 2024 general election)? | Tied for last (no candidates endorsed) |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of teacher union-endorsed gubernatorial and down-ballot candidates who win (based on the 2024 general election)? | N/A* | |
| Financial contributions to campaigns and political parties | Where does the state rank relative to the share of all contributions to state-level candidates that originate from teacher unions (between 2019 and 2024)? | 18th |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of all contributions to state-level political parties that originate from teacher unions (between 2019 and 2024)? | 49th (tie) | |
| Where does the state rank relative to how much teacher unions contribute for every dollar donated to state-level candidates by the state’s top 10 business interests (between 2021 and 2023)? | 43rd | |
| Political advertisements | Where does the state rank relative to how many state and local political ads teacher unions sponsor (in 2020 and 2022)? | Tied for last (no ads sponsored) |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of state and local political ads that teacher unions sponsor (in 2020 and 2022)? | Tied for last (no ads sponsored) | |
| Where does the state rank relative to how much money teacher unions spend on state and local political ads (in 2020 and 2022)? | Tied for last (no money spent) | |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of state and local political ad spending by teacher unions (in 2020 and 2022)? | Tied for last (no money spent) |
Area C: Labor and Bargaining Policies
Mississippi ranks 43rd in this area.
| Indicator | Sub-indicator | Data/Rank |
| Automatic revenue policies | Does state policy allow automatic payroll deductions (in 2025)? | Not in state policy |
| Scope of collective bargaining | Is collective bargaining prohibited, permitted, or required by the state if a majority of teachers vote for it (in 2025)? | Permitted |
| Across 16 areas, where does the state rank relative to the strength of its collective bargaining law (in 2025)? | 34th (tie) | |
| Exemptions from collective bargaining | Are charter schools exempt from collective bargaining agreements (in SY 2018–19)? | Yes |
| Right to strike | Are teacher strikes legal (in 2025)? | No |
Area D: Policy Wins and Losses
Mississippi ranks 27th in this area.
| Indicator | Sub-indicator | Data/Rank |
| K–12 spending | Where does the state rank by share of total annual K–12 spending devoted to teacher salaries and benefits (SY 2021–22)? | 28th |
| Where does the state rank relative to annual spending per pupil, adjusted using the NCES Comparable Wage Index (SY 2021–22)? | 43rd | |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of the annual general budget spent on K–12 education (FY 2023)? | 33rd (tie) | |
| Class size | Does state policy restrict K–12 class sizes (in 2024)? | Yes, in at least some grades |
| Teacher compensation | Where does the state rank by average salary of public-school teachers (SY 2023–24)? | 51st |
| Merit pay | Does state policy require the use of teacher performance to determine compensation (in 2022)? | Encouraged or allowed |
| Teacher evaluations | Does the state allow teacher dismissal based on ineffectiveness (in 2025)? | Not permitted, or no policy |
| Does the state require use of student growth measures in teacher evaluations (in 2025)? | Possibly, but other student achievement measures may be used | |
| Employment benefits | Where does the state rank in terms of its employer contribution rate to teacher retirement plans as a percentage of the payroll (in FY 2022)? | No teacher pension plan listed in source* |
| Does the state provide tenure protections for K–12 teachers (in 2023)? | Limited protections | |
| Charter school enablers | Does the state allow charter schools (in 2025)? | Yes |
| Does the state limit the number of charters granted (in 2025)? | Yes | |
| Does the state limit the types of charter schools allowed (in 2020)? | No, but there are limitations within type | |
| Does the state allow multiple authorizers for charter schools (in 2025)? | No | |
| Charter school exemptions | Does the state automatically exempt charter schools from laws or regulations (in 2020)? | Yes, many exemptions |
| Does the state require certification for charter-school teachers (in 2020)? | In some cases | |
| Unionized charter schools | Where does the state rank relative to the share of charter schools that allow collective bargaining (in SY 2018–19)? | Tied for last (no collective bargaining in charters) |
| School choice and voucher policies | Does the state allow education savings accounts (ESAs) (in 2024)? | Yes, with significant restrictions |
| Does the state allow tax-credit scholarships (in 2024)? | No | |
| Does the state allow vouchers (in 2024)? | Yes, with few restrictions | |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of K–12 students who do not use a private educational choice program (in SY 2021–22)? | 22nd | |
| Where does the state rank relative to the share of K–12 students who attend traditional public schools (in SY 2021–22)? | 10th |
Area E: Perceived Influence
Mississippi ranks 40th in this area.
| Indicator | Rank | |
| By rank, how do the state’s education policy leaders perceive teacher unions’ strength relative to... | Resources and membership (Area A)* | 50th |
| Involvement in politics (Area B)* | 39th | |
| Policy wins and losses (Area D)* | 35th | |
| Overall power** | 27th | |
**Average response across three survey items related to overall perceptions of union strength.
How did we calculate our rankings?
We constructed overall state rankings—as well as overall scores, area scores, and area rankings—through a multistep aggregation process that applied equal weighting across multiple levels. Consistent with the 2012 report, the equal-weighting approach reflects a methodological judgment that each dimension of union strength merits equivalent consideration in the overall ranking. The aggregation proceeded as follows:
Step 1: Standardization. We rescaled all sub-indicators to a consistent 0–4 scale, with higher values corresponding to greater union strength, so that we could combine sub-indicators with different original metrics (e.g., percentages, dollar amounts, survey responses).
Step 2: Indicator-level aggregation. For each indicator, we calculated the simple mean of all constituent sub-indicators within each state. This produced a single 0–4 score for each indicator in each state.
Step 3: Area-level aggregation. For each state, we calculated the simple mean of all indicators within each area. Each area accounts for 20 percent of the overall strength score, and that 20 percent is distributed evenly across the indicators in the area. In other words, within any area, each indicator’s weight equals 20 percent divided by the number of indicators in that area. The resulting area scores for each state allowed us to generate area-specific rankings.
Step 4: Overall strength scores. We calculated overall union strength by taking the simple mean of the five area scores for each state.
Step 5: Overall rankings. We rank state unions from strongest (highest overall strength score) to weakest (lowest overall strength score) based on their overall scores.