Draft “Common Core” education standards: Impressive, balanced, serious.

I haven’t closely examined the new draft “Common Core” math standards (and am in any case shy about judging them, having myself forgotten the difference between cosines and tangents), but the draft “reading/language arts/literacy” standards are pretty darned impressive. Some of what makes them impressive, however, is buried deep in their infrastructure and won’t necessarily be obvious on first inspection. At least it wasn’t to me. Not until one of the drafters walked me through them did I grasp what they’ve built here.

Besides doing justice to the “skill side” of English/language arts (from early reading on up through sophisticated writing), they’ve taken language “conventions” and content seriously–and cumulatively–in a dozen ways. They’ve devised deft ways of incorporating literature (including means by which monitors of state/district curricula can gauge the quality and rigor of what students are actually asked to read). They’ve delicately balanced between “traditional” and “modern” approaches, between “basic” and “21st Century” skills, etc. They’ve imaginatively incorporated the reading sides of science and history as well as English per se. They’ve supplied plenty of compelling examples of what kids at various levels should be reading. And they haven’t overpromised. Indeed, they state plainly at the very start that proper implementation of these standards hinges on also having a topnotch curriculum in place.

During the three-week comment period that starts today, Fordham’s experts and many others will pore over these (and the math standards). Grumps will inevitably be sounded from many directions. Nobody can say what will then happen. But my own initial reading is that millions of American kids would be far better off in schools adhering to these standards than they are today–and if their schools are serious, their curriculum strong, their teachers competent, and the still-to-come assessment systems are well-designed and properly aligned, those young people will emerge from 12th grade in possession of a plausible version of college readiness, at least in the fields addressed here. Read the rest of this post >>>

Education news nuggets

People like Obama more than Congress right now. Maybe just because it’s the anniversary of his first education speech – on merit pay, mind you. Or it’s because of the Common Core Standards (which are not a minute too soon!). Want to weigh in on them (after you read the sample texts list, of course)? All in favor? All opposed?  Want some advice from Arne first? Or are you too focused on history standards, NYC and Trayless Tuesdays? To succeed, we need to add some STEAM to this movement. Dream, Believe, Achieve, right?

–Daniela Fairchild, Fordham intern

Quotable and notable

Inclusion does not happen on its own. It is hard work.
— Alexa E. Posny, Deputy Assistant Secretary, Office of Special Education and Rehabilitation, Department of Education

Senators Highlight Rural-State Issues,” Education Week (registration required)

40
Number of points states could earn in the Race to the Top competition if they back the Common Core Standards.

Panel Releases Proposal to Set U.S. Standards for Education,” New York Times

Putting Central Falls in context

We all know about the plans to fire and replace teachers at the struggling Central Falls in Rhode Island. But it turns out this event is part of a bigger and more interesting story.

First, the district is increasingly going charter. There are already five charters serving city kids; next year more than 10 percent of students will be in charters and that may double in the next few years.

Second, Rhode Island Mayoral Academies is a nontrivial player in this all. RIMA works with the state’s mayors to set up high-performing charters by recruiting human capital and providing a range of services. The first mayoral academy, Democracy Prep Blackstone Valley, is open and enrolling students from four districts including Central Falls (Democracy Prep began with a successful school in Harlem). A Democracy Prep middle school will open next year, and a second elementary school could be on the way. It looks like even more great new charters are imminent: through a partnership with RIMA, Achievement First intends to expand to RI soon.

Many have explained the Central Falls shake-up as a result of the Obama administration’s focus on meaningful interventions for failing schools and/or the state’s desire to show gumption leading up to the Race to the Top competition. But perhaps this new schools push is also relevant. Not only do new entrants provide a bit of competition, more importantly, high-performing new schools show what’s possible, raising the expectations of everyone involved. In other words, meek interventions for failing schools become untenable options.

Mike Magee, the head of RIMA (and, incidentally, brother to and brother-in-law of two top-flight ed reformers), seems to concur that all of these threads are intertwined. “I think Commissioner Gist and Superintendent Gallo believe that it would be a mistake to take a narrow, make-or-break approach to turning around chronically failing schools. They have embraced the idea that high-performing public charter schools are a vital part of the solution.”

To his point, RIMA plays a significant role in Rhode Island’s RTT application.

For me at least, these heretofore unreported contours shed valuable light on the Central Falls situation. They also provide an important takeaway for those working on addressing America’s lowest performing schools: whether through RTT, SIG, or other initiatives, a new schools strategy is a critical component of the overall plan.

–Andy Smarick

Today’s Ohio Education Gadfly: find out why Ohio might be a trailblazer in charter accountability

This week’s edition kicks off with a great piece by Terry discussing the unprecedented move by the Ohio Department of Education to close a charter school sponsor (aka authorizer) for fiscal mismanagement. Terry dives into the academic track record of the sponsor’s schools (which is abysmal) and argues that Ohio is right to take action to close them. Nelson Smith from NAPCS says “bravo to Ohio” for this.

Next, read Checker’s review of Diane Ravitch’s The Death and Life of the Great American School System. The Dayton Daily News covers the Finn-Ravitch buzz and asks “So we have, from right to left, Finn, Obama, and Ravitch? Or is it left to right?”

Be sure to check out Mike Lafferty’s report on Ohio’s STEM meeting for excellent on-the-ground perspectives from parents, teachers, and business folks as to why STEM is important (and fears about how to fit it into the curriculum). Also read Mike and Tim’s analysis of how much money Ohio could save through district “consolidations” (as in, sharing services, not consolidation ala Brookings’ recent recommendations), and Emmy’s piece that points out if Ohio is not a round 1 RttT finalist, we’ve lost a month of valuable time to make real changes to our round 2 application in order to be more competitive.

Finally, if you’re curious to know what will.i.am and Pell (as in, Pell grant) have in common, or what Drew Carey is up to these days, the answers are in Editor’s Extras.

Finn: Common standards “full of the kind of things you want your kids or grandkids to read in school”

As the Washington Post is reporting, the draft K-11 “common core” standards are due to be published any moment. Our own Checker Finn has studied the reading standards and is impressed.

Chester E. Finn Jr. of the Thomas B. Fordham Institute praised the examples of suggested texts from ancient Greece (Homer) to modern times (Amy Tan, Toni Morrison, Jhumpa Lahiri). “It’s full of terrific stuff, high quality, content-rich, the kind of thing you want your kids or grandkids to read in school,” he said.

Consequence of RTT laxity

I believe the Department’s decision to set a low bar for RTT finalists sent precisely the wrong message. Instead of pushing states to continue making big changes to their policies and propose bigger, bolder plans in their applications, the Department’s stance lowered states’ sense of what is required to compete.

From the Lincoln Star Journal:

The commissioner (Roger Breed) said he doesn’t know how the fact that Nebraska doesn’t authorize charter schools played into the state’s chances. At least one finalist doesn’t authorize charter schools. “So apparently it isn’t a pass/fail on that basis,” he said.

Nebraska might have been convinced to seriously consider charter legislation had the bar been higher. Instead, Kentucky, a charter-free state, made it to the finals, sending a clear and unfortunate signal to the rest of the nation.

I now expect none of the nation’s 10 charter-free states to pass a charter law in the next six months. I’m sad to say the expansive RTT finalist list seriously attenuated the program’s leverage.

UPDATE: More evidence from Alabama

Alabama Education Association spokesman David Stout, however, was not buying arguments that the state’s lack of a charter school law cost it the $181 million it hoped to get from the fund. “It’s obvious that you don’t have to have charter schools to be funded,” Stout said.

–Andy Smarick

RTT and rural states

From the Grand Forks Herald:

North Dakota school superintendent Wayne Sanstead says applying for “Race to the Top” money would have cost more than $250,000 just to prepare the paperwork. Sanstead says the program also favors states with charter schools and other education practices that North Dakota doesn’t follow. Sanstead says a second grant round opens up this summer, and he and other North Dakota education officials will discuss whether it’s worth it to take part.

This helps explains why the i3 has a special preference for rural projects.

–Andy Smarick

Education news nuggets

We may live in a digital world, but that doesn’t mean you can have your laptop in class. Everyone knows you’re on Facebook instead of accessing student data systems, or you might be betting on the RTT ponies- well, unless you don’t care, or are just waiting on RTT4HE.  Have we found the new magic bullet?  Maybe, but you’ll have to go down the rabbit hole to find out.

–Marisa Goldstein, Fordham intern

Is Arne Duncan’s new civil rights crusade unconstitutional?

On Monday, Secretary of Education Arne Duncan announced that his department will expand its efforts in civil rights enforcement.  Its civil rights division will monitor racial disparities in enrollment in college prep classes, school discipline, and teacher assignment. Like everything this sounds fantastic in the abstract.  Who after all publicly declares that they oppose protecting civil rights?

The details, though, paint a more troublesome picture.  First, the shamelessness of it is astonishing.  This is the same Department of Education that can’t support a voucher program in Washington DC to help minority children escape the grinding incompetence of the DC school system.  Now it wants to spend its resources determining whether schools in Fairfax County or Westchester have a disproportionate number of white kids in college prep classes.  Someone’s priorities seem misplaced.  Even Nixon would blush.

One can easily envision school districts putting unprepared students in AP classes simply to satisfy the Department of Education.

Second, it’s hard to see how Duncan can do this without running headlong into the Supreme Court’s 2007 decision in Parents Involved v. Seattle School District No. 1.  Duncan plans on relying on “disparate impact” analysis to show for instance that school districts with a disproportionate number of white students in advanced placement classes are guilty of discrimination.  The cure for that disparate impact will be “robust remedies” like early  intervention programs.  But if (white) parents discover that their children have been denied access to an AP class to ensure racial balancing, they will likely bring suit just like the parents from Seattle in Parents Involved. And chances are, they will win. After all, Justice Kennedy, in his controlling opinion, singled out identifying students based solely on race as unconstitutional.

Third, anyone familiar with the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare’s (HEW) enforcement of the Title VI of the Civil Rights Act in the 1970s knows that we’ve been down this road before and it’s not a smooth ride.  In the notorious Adams v. Richardson litigation HEW became compelled to pursue in the same fashion Duncan has outlined to take on enrollment disparities in school districts across the country.  Political scientist Stephen Halpern in On the Limits of the Law documents the “perverse and insidiously negative” consequences of pursuing these goals through the courts.  As another scholar Jeremy Rabkin noted in Judicial Compulsions, the interests of the students quickly got lost in a “fog of legalisms” to be replaced by the interests of advocacy groups allegedly acting on their behalf.  Both authors emphasized the unintended consequences caused by judicial enforcement.  In the case of Duncan’s announcement, the goal displacement rituals are practically limitless.  At the very least, one can easily envision school districts putting unprepared students in AP classes simply to satisfy the Department of Education.

Fourth, as I show in Complex Justice, when experts and elites from afar try to determine what minority parents and children want and need they often have no idea what they are talking about.  In Missouri v. Jenkins, when the court and its self-appointed experts tried to improve the quality of education for African American children in Kansas City they structured their reforms around what they thought middle-class white children would want.  As a result, after spending more than $2 billion, educational outcomes declined and African American parents became outraged and actually led the effort to end the court’s attempt to help them.  Focusing on college prep classes when many minority children are trapped in dysfunctional and failing urban school system will likely be met with a giant “huh?” from many parents.

-Joshua Dunn

Dunn is co-editor of Fordham’s From Schoolhouse to Courthouse volume, co-author of Education Next’slegal beat” column, and associate professor of political science at the University of Colorado-Colorado Springs.

Quotable and notable

We’re not trying to dummy-down the curriculum.  The whole [educational] system is focused on trying to move kids in a path to get a four-year degree in college, but a number of kids don’t want that.”
— Mississippi State Rep. Cecil Brown, D-Jackson

Bill Seeks Career-Track Courses for Miss. Students,” The Associated Press

$13.7 million
The amount that New York could save if they approve a proposal to reduce the number of Regents exams currently offered.

State mulls cutting number of Regents exams,” Buffalo News

Buckeye State holding charter school sponsors accountable

The Ohio Department of Education (ODE) is seeking to close a troubled charter school sponsor (aka authorizer), the Cleveland-based Ashe Culture Center, Inc.

This blazes new territory for the nation’s charter school program. While there have been many charter school closures over the years, there are no instances where a state has actually stepped in to close a sponsor. In fact, Ohio, Minnesota, and Missouri are the only states that give the state department of education the authority to revoke a charter school sponsor’s right to authorize schools. (In most other states, authorizers are brought into being via statute, and they can only be decommissioned by the legislature. Ohio’s General Assembly, for example, fired the State Board of Education as a charter school sponsor in 2003.)

According to press accounts the department wants to close Ashe for “not properly overseeing the spending of taxpayer money.” Specifically, Ashe has sponsored two schools that the state auditor has deemed “unauditable.” According to an investigation by the state auditor, the sponsor’s chief executive officer took payments from a school where his wife – a member of the school’s governing board – approved said payments to the sponsor. Considering the sponsor is supposed to represent the interests of the state – including ensuring tax dollars are actually spent on the educational needs of children – this seems an obvious conflict of interest.

Ashe’s sponsored schools also have a woeful academic track record. Over two-thirds (67 percent) of Ashe-sponsored schools are rated in the state’s worst category, Academic Emergency (“F”), compared to 36 percent of charters in Ohio’s “Big Eight” cities. Students in Ashe-sponsored schools make fewer academic gains according to the state’s value-added metric, and worse, as the chart below illustrates, Ashe-sponsored schools have not improved over time.

The state is sure to face criticism from many in the charter school community for seeking to revoke the sponsorship authority of the Ashe Culture Center. But, based on publicly available academic and fiscal data, it appears to any fair-minded observer that Ashe deserves to lose its right to sponsor schools. ODE should be supported in its efforts to take on charter sponsors as a way to ensure a basic standard of quality for Ohio’s charter schools.

-Terry Ryan

Russlynn Ali’s “remedy” redux

I was just starting to write a post reiterating the problems with Arne Duncan’s “civil rights” announcement yesterday when the phone rang. And it was Russlynn Ali, the Department of Education’s Assistant Secretary for Civil Rights, calling to soothe my concerns about using civil rights laws to coerce districts to put more minority kids in challenging courses. I like Russlynn a lot, but what she told me made me feel even worse. Here’s how our conversation went, more or less. (I’ll use bold when I’m getting her words exact.)

"No one's ever tried to put robust remedies in place."--Russlynn Ali

Me: So I don’t mind the civil rights rhetoric, but I’m worried about the unintended consequences. School districts are going to see this announcement and freak out, take shortcuts, and just push minority kids into Advanced Placement whether they are ready for them or not. That won’t be good for the minority kids, and it won’t be good for the other kids.

Russlynn: I agree, this can’t just be about filling out forms. It has to be about culture change. No one’s ever tried to put robust remedies in place. We have to monitor the districts, enforce the agreement, use all the tools at the disposal of the Office of Civil Rights. We have to get in there and look at feeder patterns, early interventions

Me: Well, I wish you good luck, but I’m skeptical. But even if you do all of that in a handful of places, what about the 15,000 other districts? How do you keep them from doing it the wrong way?

Russlynn: That’s why we’re going to put out detailed guidance and provide technical assistance about students’ rights and districts’ responsibilities

Holy Toledo! The Department of Education’s Office of Civil Rights is going to use “all the tools” at its disposal to fix one of education’s most intractable problems: the achievement gap. Because that’s what’s driving the “disparity” in AP course-taking between white and Asian students on the one hand, and black and Latino students on the other. (Sure, there still might be some schools that are steering minorities away from challenging courses in a discriminatory manner, but I suspect that’s a very small part of what’s happening now.) Take the District of Columbia. Even though there are ten times as many African-American students as white students in DC public schools, more white students (80) passed an AP test last year than black students (60). (Here’s the data.) Does that make Michelle Rhee and her team racist?

Of course not. Rhee and company are working hard on boosting these numbers for poor and minority kids, but it’s going to be a decade-long struggle, as it starts by getting kids better prepared in pre-K, hitting all the right notes in elementary school, making sure they get access to tough courses and great teachers in middle schools, and on and on. If Ali and Arne think they are going to discover the right “remedy” to make all of this happen in a recalcitrant district–and get implemented well–they are either high on power or high on something else.

Or maybe they just haven’t read Shep Melnick’s sobering chapter in the recent Fordham-Brookings volume, From Schoolhouse to Courthouse. In it, the Boston College scholar offers a careful history of federal remedies in education, and shows that (in my words) you can force states and districts to do things they don’t want to do, but you can’t force them to do those things well. These efforts almost never have a happy ending.

It’s hard to fault Ali’s zeal; her whole career has been dedicated to giving poor and minority kids a shot at a better education. .But zealotry alone isn’t going to fix our schools, and could make them even worse.

-Mike Petrilli

Interesting news

Newsweek’s Thomas and Wingert with a very good write-up of the Rhee-Weingarten saga

Very good i3 analysis from Tom Vander Ark

Encouraging story of a new start charter in a distressed Chicago neighborhood

Great WSJ piece on charters and Harlem

–Andy Smarick

i3 analysis

I’ve finally made it through the 377-page final application for the “Investing in Innovation” fund (i3) and several long supporting documents.  The biggest news is that not all that much changed since the draft documents were released last year (if you need to catch up a bit, you can find previous write-ups here and here).

Of course, the program’s major specs are the same: It’s a competitive grant program for districts, nonprofits, and groups of schools (unlike RTT, which is for states), and it is designed to spur new ideas and to scale up highly successful or promising initiatives.

It is still wholly focused only high-need students (so a suburban district with only affluent families may find it very hard to win), and it has the same four priority areas as RTT: teacher and principal quality; better use of data; improved standards and assessments; improving failing schools. Unlike RTT though, bonus points will be awarded to proposals working in one of four targeted areas: early childhood; college access and success; special education and LEP; and rural education.

Grants will still be made in three categories: “Scale Up” grants (up to $50 million) for programs with high degrees of evidence and the potential to grow nationally; “Validation” grants (up to $30 million) for successful programs with less evidence of success and marginally less potential to scale; and “Development” grants (up to $5 million) for high-potential, relatively untested initiatives.

The greatest disappointment is that the Department did not reconsider its earlier decision to disallow private schools from making up a “consortium of schools.”  The upshot is that the nation’s invaluable but deeply threatened faith-based urban schools will be all but excluded from participation.  This decision on the Department’s part was unnecessary and deeply regrettable.

For those interested in getting into the weeds, there were a couple other minor changes:

  • Some changes were made to eligibility requirements (related to AYP determinations) to enable low-performing districts to more easily apply
  • Development grants will no longer have a pre-application phase
  • The definition of “persistently failing schools” was changed to expand (beyond the School Improvement Fund definition) which schools would be eligible for attention
  • The 20 percent private sector match was adjusted such that applicants have more time to find partners
  • No organization can win more than two grants totaling $55 million

When all is said and done, I expect the nation’s most well known education reform nonprofits to win significant awards.  These include Teach for America, KIPP, New Leaders for New Schools, Achievement First, New Teacher Project, NewSchools Venture Fund, and so on.  Also a number of reform-minded urban districts, such as New York City and New Orleans could receive major awards.  The smaller grants will probably go to a wide array of projects that are still largely unknown nationally.

My initial reaction after reading the final documents is that the i3 has significant promise and that the Department did an admirably professional job crafting the application (apart from the private school exclusion). The hundreds of pages dedicated to addressing the public’s comments reflect the huge amount of work done. Though implementation still remains a huge question mark, because state and local politics will play a much smaller role in the i3 than in the RTT, at this point, I suspect the former has a clearer path to success.

–Andy Smarick

Duncan’s speech

I’ve made my way through Secretary Duncan’s civil rights speech (the written version), and there’s much in it to admire.

It’s certainly moving; in vivid language it pays tribute to those who suffered on “Bloody Sunday,” including Congressman John Lewis.

It’s well constructed, weaving together Brown v. Board, the events of 45 years ago, Dr. King’s work, the Civil Rights Act of 1964, and efforts to close the achievement gap.

It’s also literate, with allusions to W.E.B. DuBois, Booker T. Washington, and Presidents Johnson and Bush (I)

Finally, it brings the data, offering statistics on expulsions, teacher quality, and college attendance.

In terms of new or renewed federal activities, it only provides broad strokes. The Department will conduct compliance reviews relating to college-prep curriculum, advanced courses, STEM classes, and student discipline.  The Department will also expand its technical assistance and outreach so schools know their responsibilities and families know their rights.

The speech didn’t address any of the questions I raised earlier today (related to charters, compliance v. innovation, or racial composition v. student achievement). And there is no sense of how this new effort will work hand-and-hand, if at all, with a reauthorized ESEA.

Overall, it was fitting kick-off speech for a broad civil rights initiative. But it was not a definitive departmental statement on how its view on civil rights will inform or influence a wide array of pressing current policy decisions.

–Andy Smarick

Education news nuggets

Andy Smarick’s not slacking with a 4-day week; he’s been quoted all over the place in the news lately (see here, here, here and here… and here)! If that’s not enough Fordham for you, listen to Checker’s podcast on federal education spending. And for some non-Fordham news (yawn, I know), try the New York Times Magazine’s ‘Building a Better Teacher’, New Hampshire’s pension lawsuit, Obama’s Ed Tech plan or more from North Carolina’s busing drama. Phew! Now on to the fun stuff. Check out Til Death’s take on merit pay and a new test-prep rap.  Just don’t listen to classical music… and don’t chase the money!

–Daniela Fairchild, Fordham intern

Quotable and notable

This is just a gimmick that the governor is throwing out. It’s reform for the sake of reform.
— Tom Dooher, President, Education Minnesota, the state’s teachers’ union

Pawlenty Wants to Rewrite Teacher Tenure Rules,” Minneapolis Star-Tribune

84%
Percentage of students on Tax Credit Scholarship in Florida who attend a religious school.

As Public Schools Face Cuts, State Vouchers for Private Schools May Get Boost,” Orlando Sentinal

I3 is here!

The Department just released the final application for the “Investing in Innovation” fund or “I3″.

This is the $650 million sister program to the RTT. I3 grants will go to non-profits, districts, and networks of schools.

Prospective applicants now have 60 days to apply.

–Andy Smarick

Charter revocation in DC

The DC charter school market is strong and growing. It has a number of outstanding schools and already comprises nearly 40 percent of the entire public education sector in the nation’s capital. In just a couple years, chartering could become the primary mechanism for delivering public schooling in DC.

But there are a number of low-performing charters in the city as well. The DC Public Charter Schools Board, the city’s only authorizer, moved to close one of those schools late last week. This release lays out the bill of particulars.

It’s never a happy moment when a school closes, but in a number of cases it can be in the best interest of students, communities, chartering, and public education. Should the school close, the critical next step is making sure the students displaced have access to higher performing schools as soon as possible.

As chartering has expanded and its principles have spread to traditional school districts, it has become increasingly clear that tough accountability is just one of many load-bearing walls in the management of a broad schools portfolio. The challenge is figuring out how best to pair closures with new starts and expansions so the universe of schools is both high quality and reflective of students’ needs.

With two different “systems” in DC–the traditional district and the chartering board–coordinating these concomitant activities can be difficult. It’s also one of the great opportunities and challenges of the urban school system of the future.

–Andy Smarick